• Africa: Mapping forests by their real guardians
• Cameroon: A zoning plan that splits apart forests and people
• Ghana: A dam at the cost of forests
• Liberia: Lawsuit against Firestone for slavery and child labor on rubber plantations

LOCAL STRUGGLES AND NEWS

Africa: Mapping forests by their real guardians

In the forests of northern Republic of Congo, the Mbendjele are a hidden people. Living entirely on forest resources, this pygmy tribe has co-existed with their environment for thousands of years. Their impact on the forest is so minimal that from satellite images it is impossible to detect any evidence of these people's hunter-gatherer activities.

But their 'hidden existence' is under threat as logging concessions are allocated and logging companies move in to claim the timber. However, work conducted in the Amazon forests in Brazil has shown that recognition of community rights can help to prevent further deforestation and it is hoped that recognition of land rights and indigenous activities will present a way forward for the forests of Central Africa.

Two-thirds of Africa's two million square kilometres of forests are within the Democratic Republic of Congo and the World Bank estimates that some 35 million people depend at least partly on these resources. In Gabon, most of the forest is already under concessionary logging. In Cameroon, conservation areas have been set aside, but these too often fail to recognise local communities and many have found themselves evicted from traditional areas.

The tropical forests of central Africa are critically important for the indigenous people who depend on forest resources. Wild foods are gathered from the forest along with medicinal plants; forest products provide shelter and fuel for lighting and cooking; indeed all food, fuel and fibre on which these tribal people depend are obtained from the forest. However, with industrial logging, the environment in which these people live is being irretrievably modified and, at worst, completely destroyed. It is argued by some that logging brings employment, education and services to forest communities but too often many promises remain unfulfilled and the benefits are short-lived. As logging companies move in, the incidence of malaria and HIV/AIDS increases and the impact of timber extraction threatens the rich biodiversity of these ancient forests.

Using modern mapping techniques, satellite images have been used for forest zoning in Cameroon to determine conservation areas and regions to be opened up for industrial exploitation. These areas are all seemingly devoid of human habitation as the satellite imaging fails to register such low level human activity deep in the forest. Meanwhile areas for community use are allocated alongside roadsides, which are already under intense competition for agriculture and agroforestry. Conflict has been inevitable as Baka pygmy communities have failed to benefit, with customary land rights not recognised and their traditional fallows destroyed.

But the Baka people are beginning to appear on the map. Through work with the Rainforest Foundation and its local partner organisation, the Centre for Environment and Development in Yaoundé, local people have been trained up as cartographers. These community mappers have begun to work with their people to define significant areas, including hunting grounds, areas for gathering specific forest products, fishing and sacred sites. It is hoped that these maps will reveal the true value of the forests and that the 'official' zoning maps and plans for logging concessions can be modified to take into account the reality of the livelihoods of Baka forest people as well as Bantu farming communities.

The DRC is about to undergo its own forestry zoning exercise, sponsored by the World Bank. "This presents a threat, because the Government's process might simply repeat the mistakes of forest zoning in other countries, such as Cameroon, where forest communities have disappeared off the map. But it can also be a real window of opportunity," says Simon Counsell, Director of the Rainforest Foundation, who believes that community mapping in DRC would allow traditional land claims to be recognised as the national forest zoning plan is developed. "The process is not difficult," he continues. "Although the communities we are working with are largely illiterate and innumerate, they are still quite capable of grasping the principles of mapping and of understanding some of the fairly advanced technologies that are being used in the process."

By using geographical positioning and information systems (GPS and GIS), the Rainforest Foundation team enabled community mappers in the Lopori river area of Equateur Province in just over a week to cover an area of more than 1,000 square kilometres and to map culturally significant sites. The result was the production of a more accurate map than is currently held by national authorities. But for the communities themselves, the map revealed the diverse ways in which the forest was used by different groups. For instance, hunting areas were invariably different to the locations where women gather wild foods and medicinal plants. The youth and the elders were also shown to use the forest and forest products in different ways.

But revealing information can also have its dangers. Exposing indigenous knowledge may lead to greater exploitation if the information is not used with respect. Simon Counsell concludes, "It is important that this technique is used to empower local people so it is vital that communities retain complete ownership of the maps. But what we hope to do is to demonstrate the positive results of this initiative to international agencies like the World Bank so that they may see that the forests are being managed sustainably by these communities, and thereby invest in funding wider application of these community-based communication technologies."

By 'New Agriculturalist online', January 2006, http://www.new-agri.co.uk/06-1/develop/dev01.html, sent by Simon Counsell, E-mail: SimonC@rainforestuk.com, Rainforest Foundation, http://www.rainforestfoundationuk.org/

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Cameroon: A zoning plan that splits apart forests and people

Cameroon has undergone a major re-organisation of its forestry sector over the last two decades. A process of policy reform was implemented, sponsored by the World Bank, and this resulted in the new Forest Law of 1994, which included changes to forest taxes and regulations relating to the allocation of concessions, including the requirement for management plans, and new provisions for community forestry. Implementation of the forest law was based on a national zonation plan, referred to as the plan de zonage, which was supposed to be a preliminary plan, but in practice, it was often taken to be the definitive plan, and one that was not open for discussion.

Under the law, a fundamental distinction is drawn between the permanent (PFE) and non-permanent forest estates (NPFE). The PFE is designated to remain forested in the long-term and includes State forest, Production forest (for timber extraction), Protected areas and forest reserves, and Council forest. The NPFE includes Communal forest (mostly managed according to local “traditional” rules), Community forests (leased to community organisations), and Privately owned forests. Within the PFE, shifting cultivation is forbidden, and the use of forest resources is restricted. The NPFE is land that may be converted to nonforest uses, and so it is in this category that all agricultural activities must take place. Within this category, communities can apply for community forests of up to 5,000 ha, under 25 year leases, to be reviewed every 5 years. Communities can exploit these forests for timber extraction or other purposes, on the basis of a management plan. Hunting territories, of up to 5000ha., can also be established within the NPFE.

Timber extraction is possible either through forest concessions, Unités Forestières d’Aménagement (UFA), or sales of standing volume, ventes de coupe. UFAs are available within production forest for a period of 15 years, up to a maximum size of 200,000 ha. Ventes de coupe, which can be granted both in the PFE and NPFE, are reserved for nationals, and either cannot exceed 2,500 ha or a given volume of standing timber.

In 1993, a plan de zonage was drawn up for southern Cameroon, undertaken by the Department of Forests, with the assistance of the Canadian consultancy firm, Tecsult Inc. In the resulting plan, the vast majority of the land area was defined as State forest. The total area within the plan was 14 million ha, of which about 9 million ha were designated as PFE, two thirds of which was production forest. Strips of Communal forest were established along main roads, and also in buffer zones around villages.

The plan de zonage was conceived of as a preliminary zoning plan, to be converted into a definitive zoning system through the official reservation of the permanent forests (see WRM Bulletin Nº 93). This, in theory, should entail a process of consultation with local communities to determine the boundary between the permanent and nonpermanent forest estate. But the outcome of the plan de zonage clearly reflects the priorities of the government and the funders of this process, which were primarily revenue from timber production, and to a certain extent, forest conservation. In contrast, the priorities of local people, and forest-dependent communities, were given little attention. This is apparent from the final designation of zones, in which nearly 65% of the total area being zoned was assigned to the PFE, and the majority of this area designated as production forest. Furthermore, the best areas of forest were more often than not included within this zone. Thus, local people were excluded from owning or managing for economic purposes nearly two thirds of the land area, leaving a severely limited area of forest for cultivation or community forests. Even within these areas, community interests were still in competition with industry, since ventes de coupe are available within the NPFE.

The areas designated as NPFE were identified on the basis of satellite imagery and aerial photos. Such a method does not allow for the identification of areas under agroforestry systems, old fallows, nor those areas used for resource extraction. Consequently, many areas used by local populations for hunting, fishing, and harvesting forest resources were included within the PFE, as were old fallows and agroforestry systems, including cocoa plantations. Some resource extraction is allowed within the PFE, provided it is for subsistence purposes, but all such activities are banned from the various categories of protected area. Cultivation, including agroforestry, is completely prohibited. Therefore, many rural populations found their activities severely restricted under this zonation.

The plan also took little account of the dynamic nature of land use, for example, disregarding patterns of shifting cultivation and the shifting nature of settlements. Furthermore, although buffer zones were allocated around villages for future agricultural needs, these were insufficient. Very little consideration was given to other needs, such as resource extraction, hunting or agroforestry. Such activities can take place within community forests, but these areas have to be defined with the NPFE, and so compete with agricultural needs as well as ventes de coupe. The buffer zones were not large enough to meet these various needs. Indeed, the restriction of community forests to the NPFE is indicative of the marginalisation of local people’s systems of forest exploitation, the system clearly favouring the traditional models of large-scale timber production. The underlying assumption is that forest use will decline, and there will be a shift to more intensive, settled agriculture.

Particularly disadvantaged were the Pygmy peoples, the Baka, Bakola and Bagyéli, as no allowance was made for their particular way of life. Those living within the forest have found that their territories have been included in the PFE, within which they are unable to apply for community forests. Even should they be able to apply for this, the maximum size of 5,000 ha. for community forests is not sufficient to allow for a hunting and gathering lifestyle. Even those groups who are officially “settled” in villages continue to make extensive use of forest resources, but this was not recognised.

The division that has been made between the PFE and NPFE has created a division between the administration and local populations, encouraging the development of competing land use strategies. For example, the process of determining the boundary between the PFE and NPFE promoted the clearance of forest areas by local populations, as they sought to lay claim to these areas and so push back the proposed boundary of the PFE. Furthermore, the fact that there are differences in legislation between the two zones, with tighter regulations existing for the PFE, has encouraged exploitation of the forest within the NPFE.

Thus, the plan de zonage created the perfect conditions for conflict over forest resources and, indeed, conflicts between communities and logging companies, local and national authorities, and between communities, have become endemic and widespread within Cameroon’s forests.

A more integrated approach to forest management is needed, in which each of the various zones is seen as part of a larger whole and managed as part of this wider landscape. Without such a shift, within the NPFE community forests could come to be “scattered like islands in a sea of unregulated forest resource use”. Similarly, conservation zones and agricultural areas could become islands in an expanse of production forest.

A more integrated approach would encourage a sense of the common ownership of resources, and avoid a situation in which stakeholders retreat to their respective areas of management within the NPFE or PFE.

Adapted from: “Divided Forests: Towards Fairer Zoning of Forest Lands”, The Rainforest Foundation, http://rainforestfoundationuk.org/files/Divided%20Forests.pdf

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Ghana: A dam at the cost of forests

The government of Ghana and Sino Hydro, a Chinese construction company, have signed a memorandum of understanding and a 500 million-dollar agreement to undertake the construction of the Bui Dam. Two million dollars are earmarked for the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) bound to prepare the ground for the take-off of the project, which has been on the drawing board for decades. Despite the environmental disaster wrought by the World Bank's Akosombo Dam in Ghana (used for below cost power to process bauxite mined in Jamaica) and its failure to live up to power generating expectations, the new dam project has been restarted with the intention of eluding the increasing cost of running thermal plants with crude oil.

The reservoir of the projected dam would flood a large area of the Bui National Park, flooding the last remaining habitats for hippos in Ghana, home to around 150 hippopotami and many globally endangered amphibians, butterflies, birds and various primates (see WRM Bulletin Nº 46). “Contrary to widely held beliefs by the dam proponents that the hippos and the other endangered species in the park will be relocated when construction of the dam begins," argues an anonymous submission to the World Commission on Dams (WCD), "conservationists interviewed contend that the hippos in particular cannot survive anywhere outside the Bui national park due to its unique nature. Moreover the country's game and wildlife department is even too broke to afford the cost involved in rescuing the animals at Bui and sending them to the supposed 'safe havens'."

The Bui dam project would require the forced relocation of over 2,500 people and will also set in motion other serious environmental impacts, such as changing the flow regime of the river which will harm downstream habitats. A recent survey by the University of Aberdeen has revealed that the Black Volta river abounds with 46 species of fish from 17 families, all of economic importance. These native fish communities could be severely impacted by changes to water temperature, pollution and barriers that will block their migration along the Black Volta. Forests that serve as fish spawning grounds would also be destroyed. Waterborne disease could also occur should the dam proceed, say critics. Schistosomiasis in particular could become established in the reservoir, with severe health risks for local people.

The region is no stranger to displacement and epidemic. In 1965, 80,000 farmers were displaced due to the construction of the Akosombo dam, which at the time flooded more land than any other hydro project, approximately 8,500 square km. This led to outbreaks of malaria, bilharzias, and other water-borne diseases. Between 1978 and 1981, the Kpong dam displaced 6,000 people, causing resettlement conflicts allegedly worse than what was experienced previously.

The Bui park is situated in the centre-west of the country, against the international frontier with Côte d’Ivoire, and is bisected by the Black Volta river. The vegetation is predominantly savanna woodland, with areas of grassland and patches of riparian forest along the Black Volta river and other small rivers in the park. These riverine forests are the best-preserved such forests remaining along the Black Volta and, probably, the only such forest left in the entire Volta system.

Furthermore, there are also concerns about the practicalities of a hydro-electric dam on a river that is said to be highly seasonal. It seems that Ghanaians may end up paying quite a high price for electricity!

Article based on information from: “Ghana: All Set For Bui Dam To Take Off”, Graphic Ghana, disseminated by Pambazuka News 228, http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=30110; “Dams Incorporated. The Record of Twelve European Dam Building Companies”, Chris Lang, Nick Hildyard, Kate Geary and Matthew Grainger, published by Swedish Society for Nature Conservation, http://www.thecornerhouse.org.uk/item.shtml?x=52008#index-01-03-00-00-fn019ref

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On November 2005, the International Labor Rights Fund (ILRF) filed an Alien Tort Claims Act case in US District Court in California against the rubber company Bridgestone alleging "forced labor, the modern equivalent of slavery" on the Firestone Plantation in Harbel, Liberia, of which Bridgestone is a partner.

"The Plantation workers allege, among other things, that they remain trapped by poverty and coercion on a frozen-in-time Plantation operated by Firestone in a manner identical to how the Plantation was operated when it was first opened by Firestone in 1926," states the lawsuit. Still worse, conditions have actually deteriorated since that date.

The million-acre plantation was established that year when Harvey Firestone secured a 99-year lease on the land in exchange for a $5 million soft loan to help the Liberian government repay debt to the US. The land, in fact, was originally owned and inhabited by the Mamba Bassa tribes who were evicted from their homeland by the company and the Government of Liberia without benefits to these local inhabitants (see WRM Bulletin Nº 94).

ILRF executive director Terry Collingsworth filed the suit in the name of 12 Liberian workers and their 23 children, who remain anonymous to protect themselves from reprisal.

Liberian Emira Woods, a researcher from the Institute for Policy Studies, reported on the conditions at the Firestone Plantation. According to Collingsworth, “the strengths of the case are, unfortunately, the extreme human rights violations on the plantation --child labor is everywhere and adult forced labor is the norm.”

Also bolstering the case is a November 2005 CNN International interview with Dan Admonitis, president of a Firestone subsidiary, in which he discusses workers' daily tree-tapping quota. "Each tapper will tap about 650 trees a day where they spent perhaps a couple of minutes at each tree," stated Mr. Admonitis. "Six hundred and fifty trees a day, at two minutes per tree, it's 1,300 minutes, or more than 21 hours of work a day," Femi Oke, the CNN host, pointed out.

Dan MacDonald, director of media relations for Bridgestone-Firestone, sought to contextualize the statement of Mr. Admonitis, pointing out that "a couple of minutes" is "a figure of speech." Mr. MacDonald explained that the workers tap the trees in the morning and then return in the afternoon to collect the latex, meaning they must visit each of the 650 trees twice. "Most tappers work a seven to eight hour day," Mr. MacDonald said. "The daily quota is enough for a living wage."

An eight hour day has 480 minutes in which to visit 650 trees twice, in addition to other required tasks such as cleaning the taps, applying pesticides and fertilizers to the trees, and carrying 75-pound buckets of latex to collection points up to a mile away--all for $3.19 a day. The lawsuit (which contends that the current 650-tree daily quota "is not true" and places the real number much higher) notes that conditions have actually deteriorated since 1926, citing a 1956 study reporting a daily quota of 250-300 trees and a 1979 daily quota of 400-500 trees.

"With no technological increases and yet a quota two to four times higher than previous reports, the system today requires that each tapper, to meet his daily quota, find one or more unpaid 'helpers,'" the suit states. "Of course the only helpers available under those terms are the tappers' own children." "The overseers and supervisors at the Firestone Plantation not only know this, they encourage and require it," it adds. "Perhaps in anticipation of this lawsuit, in early September 2005, the Firestone Plantation issued a directive that child labor will no longer be permitted on the Plantation."

Mr. MacDonald rebutted this claim. "We've had a policy in place for many years against child labor--there are strict guidelines forbidding the use of children as laborers," he said. "We did put out a policy directive because we wanted to reiterate and reaffirm the policy that is in place because we want people to know exactly what the guidelines and expectations are."

Mr. Collingsworth, who expects the company to formally respond in court within two weeks, sums up his opinion of the case succinctly. "This case shows, in the age of public relations, codes of conduct, and 'socially responsible' business, what a major multinational will do if it can get away with it," he said.

Based on the article “Alien Tort Claims Act Lawsuit Alleges Slavery and Child Labor on Liberian Firestone Plantation, by William Baue, SocialFunds.com, December 30, 2005, News and Press, http://www.laborrights.org/press/Firestone/socialfunds_123005.htm

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