OUR
VIEWPOINT
-
Indigenous Peoples on the road to justice
Indigenous
Peoples have achieved a major victory at the United Nations level.
After more than 20 years of negotiations, on September 13 the
United Nations General Assembly finally adopted the United Nations
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
The
vote won with an overwhelming majority of 143, and it is important
to name –and shame- the governments of the only four countries
that voted against: Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United
States. These governments, that pretend to be promoting human
rights worldwide, have thereby shown that they are unwilling to
even acknowledge those of indigenous peoples in their own countries.
Although
not a legally-binding instrument, the Declaration constitutes
a very important step forward, that sets out the individual and
collective rights of indigenous peoples –numbering some 370 million
people- as well as their rights to culture, identity, language,
employment, health, education and other issues.
There
are of course major obstacles for the implementation of this instrument
and, as UN General Assembly President Sheikha Haya Rashed Al Khalifa
herself warned “even with this progress, indigenous peoples still
face marginalization, extreme poverty and other human rights violations.”
Which
brings us to the second victory that we would like to share: that
of the indigenous Tupinikim and Guarani peoples against giant
pulp producer Aracruz Cellulose in Brazil. For over 40 years,
their lands had been in the hands of Aracruz –a Norwegian-Brazilian
company- that destroyed their villages, evicted them from their
territories, cut down the forest and converted the land to eucalyptus
plantations. After decades of struggle, on August 27 the Minister
of Justice finally recognized these lands (14,277 hectares) as
belonging to the indigenous peoples.
It
is important to underscore that Aracruz’s occupation of those
lands had been illegal and in violation of the Brazilian Constitution
regarding indigenous peoples’ rights to their territories. However,
the economic and political power of the company managed for years
to make the state ignore this. Only the long struggle of the Tupinikim
and Guarani, supported by a large number of organizations in Brazil
and abroad finally forced the state to comply with its own legislation.
The
details of their struggle are summarized in the articles below,
as a means of sharing their experience with the many other peoples
fighting for their rights. A the same time, it is useful to highlight
-in the context of the recently approved UN Declaration- that
even the most legally-binding instrument –the National Constitution-
was in this case only adhered to as a result of the peoples’ struggle.
This
means that Indigenous Peoples still face enormous challenges to
ensure that their rights are fully respected and that governments
comply with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
But these two victories –one at the international and the other
at the local level- prove that victory is possible. It is time
for celebrating!
--
Full text of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples
http://www.bmf.ch/files/news/UN_Declaration_Rights_of_Indigenous_Peoples.pdf
--
index
BRAZIL: HISTORIC
INDIGENOUS PEOPLES’ VICTORY
-
The Tupinikim and Guarani peoples reconquer
their lands
Introduction
On
27 August 2007, Tarso Genro, the Brazilian Minister of Justice,
signed the ministerial resolutions delimiting the Tupinikim (14,227
hectares) and Comboios (3,800 hectares) Indigenous Lands, totalizing
18,027 hectares.
According
to the resolutions, the Brazilian Government recognizes that the
lands have traditionally been occupied by the Tupinikim and Guarani
peoples and that, over the past 40 years, they had been illegally
occupied by Aracruz Cellulose.
It
was a victory of indigenous resistance against the economic and
political power of the company and its many allies. A victory
of life and a defeat, although localized, of monoculture plantations
and the green desert. It was also a victory of national and international
solidarity encouraging and filling with hope all those who are
struggling for their rights and who believe in the construction
of a fairer and more equal society.
Over
these past 40 years, neither the successive Governments nor the
company were able to break down this resistance. The use of police
force, unlawful agreements and financial compensations could not
prevent the communities from continuing their struggle to recover
their lands and to guarantee an autonomous territory without the
economic dependency that the company has always tried to impose
on them.
The
resistance struggle
The
process of occupation of indigenous lands by Aracruz Cellulose
started at the end of the sixties and very quickly caused a profound
breaking down of social, economic and cultural forms, particularly
in the case of the Tupinikim, almost leading to their extinction.
Their lands were immediately expropriated and almost all their
villages destroyed (of some 40 villages only Caieiras Velhas,
Pau Brasil and Comboios were left). The replacement of native
forests by eucalyptus made their traditional subsistence practices
unviable. Rivers and streams dried up and the few left were contaminated
by agrochemicals used by the company.
Fenced in by the
eucalyptus trees and with few alternatives for economic survival
the Tupinikim and Guarani decided to act. In 1980, while the military
dictatorship was in full swing, they carried out the first self-demarcation
of their lands and recovered 6,500 hectares. The following year,
an agreement between the military government and the company reduced
this area to 4,491 hectares.
In
1993, the indigenous peoples claimed an extension of their lands
from FUNAI (the state agency for indigenous issues). Studies by
this organization carried out between 1994 and 1997 recognized
their rights and the need to extend the land by some 13,579 hectares.
However, in 1998 the Brazilian Government yielded once again to
the company’s interests and agreed to the demarcation of some
scant 2,571 hectares.
Rising up against
this Governmental decision, the indigenous peoples carried out
their second self-demarcation. When they were about to conclude
the demarcation of 13,579 hectares, the federal government ordered
the Federal Police to intervene. The villages were occupied by
the police, the defenders of the indigenous cause were arrested
and brought to trial and the indigenous leaders were taken to
Brasilia and obliged to sign an unlawful agreement with the company.
In exchange for the reduction of their lands they received monetary
compensation.
Seven
years later, the Tupinikim and Guarani decided to breach this
agreement. On 19 February 2005, some 350 indigenous people, gathered
in a General Assembly, with the slogan of “Our Land, Our Freedom”,
resolved to recover the 11,009 hectares in the hands of Aracruz
Cellulose.
On 17 May they started
their 3rd self-demarcation. A few days later they rebuilt
the villages of Olho D´Água and Córrego do Ouro, two of the almost
40 villages destroyed by the company at the end of the sixties.
At the same time,
the Federal Public Ministry of Espirito
Santo (MPF-ES) launched a public civil investigation, during which
various unlawful actions undertaken in the 1998 demarcation came
to light. The Ministry immediately sent recommendations to the
President of the Republic and to the Ministry of Justice to proceed
with demarcation of the remaining 11,009 hectares.
Since then the indigenous
people carried out a number of actions to have the Ministry of
Justice enforce the MPF-ES recommendations.
In 2005 they occupied
Aracruz Cellulose’s factories for 2 days. This action was coordinated
by the Chiefs’ Commission and had wide international repercussions.
In
January 2006 the indigenous people were surprised by a violent
Federal Police operation, enforcing a legal decision to return
ownership to the company. This action, considered to be unlawful
by the MPF-ES caused the destruction of the villages of Olho D´Água
and Córrego do Ouro, during which 13 indigenous people were injured.
One of the main irregularities noted was the active participation
of Aracruz Cellulose, originator of the legal action and consequently
benefitting from its enforcement.
The police operation
turned out to be a blunder made by the federal government and
the company, due to its international repercussions and to the
action launched by MPF-ES against the federal government because
of the existence of countless irregularities. The federal government
quickly attempted to correct its mistake. During a public meeting
of the Espirito
Santo Legislative Assembly, the then minister of Justice, Marcio
Thomaz Bastos, promised to conclude demarcation of the 11,009
hectares before the end of 2006.
However, the administrative
process continued at a slow pace. The indigenous people then decided
to carry out further actions having a high impact. In September
2006, over a period of 15 days, they slashed and burnt 100 hectares
of eucalyptus trees to show that, contrary to accusations, they
were not interested in the trees and that the struggle was to
recover their lands. The company’s reaction was immediate. A defamatory
and racist campaign against the indigenous people invaded the
streets, the schools and the shops in the city of Aracruz, and
even involved other companies in the region. Posters were put
up in the main streets of the city publicizing racist and offensive
slogans against the indigenous people. Two important demonstrations
took place, one in Aracruz and the other in the state capital,
Vitoria. An action brought by MPF-ES, and backed by Justice, condemned
the company for the crimes of racism and defamation, obliging
it to retreat. In spite of this, the campaign had succeeded in
putting part of the Aracruz population against the indigenous
people.
Weakened but not
intimidated, the indigenous people occupied the port from where
the company’s pulp is exported (Portocel) to step up pressure
on the Minister of Justice. However the company managed to mobilize
some 1500 company and outsourced workers, removing the indigenous
people by force, which almost led to their massacre.
In January 2007 the
former Minister of Justice, although he had all the necessary
elements to sign the ministerial resolutions for delimitation
of indigenous lands, returned the files to FUNAI for this organization
to seek an understanding (agreement) between the parties.
In turn, FUNAI, refused to do so, but the Federal Justice of the
city of Linhares (ES) decided to take on the task and ordered
the parties to come to an agreement over the lands. Following
two attempts, frustrated by the firm position of the indigenous
people, the negotiation process was concluded and the decision
on the dispute again sent to the executive.
On 5 July this year,
FUNAI sent the proceedings to the Ministry of Justice and on this
occasion, the minister, in an act of great steadfastness and political
skill, signed the resolutions guaranteeing the Tupinikim and Guarani
people the rights over the 11,009 hectares of land, thus putting
an end to an almost 40 year old dispute. A few days later the
indigenous people had again reconstructed the villages of Olho
D´Água and Areal as further proof of their resistance, courage
and determination.
By
Fabio Martins Villas, e-mail: fabio.villas@bol.com.br,
Fase/ES and Rede Alerta contra o Deserto Verde (Alert Against
the Green Desert Network)
index
-
“... And we are against this progress
of death"
-Werá
Kwarai
At
the celebration of the recognition of indigenous lands, Djagwareté,
coordinator of the Commission of Tupinikim y Guaraní Chiefs, emotionally
declared, “Two years ago we gathered right here, in the village
of Pau Brasil, to celebrate the completion of the self-demarcation
of our lands. On that day the people played drums, sang, danced
and ate…Today we are here again, in the village of Pau Brasil,
eating, dancing, singing and playing drums, this time to celebrate
the Brazilian government’s confirmation that the land we have
fought for so hard, for more than 30 years, belongs to us in fact
and by law.”
He
added, “The signing of the demarcation resolution by Justice Minister
Tarso Genro, confirming that these 11,000 hectares are indigenous
land, marks the end of a cycle of 40 years of struggle… Now another
battle is beginning, for the recovery of our land taken over by
the eucalyptus trees of Aracruz Celulose.”
The
indigenous people have fought tirelessly to win back the “Land
Without Evils”, a place of “many animals, much hunting, much water
and many forests.” They are fully aware, however, that “the fight
is not over yet.” They will undoubtedly face continued confrontations
with the pulp giant Aracruz Celulose, which holds tenaciously
to its claim that its monoculture of eucalyptus has benefited
indigenous communities by bringing progress to the state where
they live.
Guaraní
chief Werá Kwarai criticizes this conception of “progress”, explaining,
“They often call us lazy and inept. They accuse us of obstructing
development. We are in favour of the progress of life and against
this progress of death… If the company wants to make ‘good paper’,
as it says in its advertising, it cannot continue buying off the
judicial, executive and legislative branches of power. You cannot
do anything ‘good’ on the basis of chlorine – which gives the
pulp the whiteness demanded by the market. The only way to do
good is on the basis of justice and the law.”
When
the struggle to take back the land began, questions arose over
what they would do with the 11,009 hectares being reclaimed. What
could be done with land covered with eucalyptus? Over the last
two years, in the midst of the land conflict, the indigenous communities
have discussed reconversion strategies and exchanged experiences
with quilombolas (communities of descendants of African slaves),
small farmers and other indigenous groups about how to fight the
“green desert”. Now they have an answer to the question: “We have
many plans for our land, including reforestation and the recovery
of springs, but the most fundamental is the rebuilding of a number
of villages that used to exist before the arrival of the company…
We are going to take our grandparents to see the place that belongs
to them, because we are now the third generation of this struggle…
Our grandparents fought, they were the first to resist and to
remain on their land,” declared Vilma, a member of the Tupinikim
community and granddaughter of one of those pioneers in the struggle.
The
Tupinikim and Guaraní peoples are already rebuilding the villages
and have begun to reforest their land with native species, and
plan to repopulate the forests with the animals that used to live
there. They want to live in harmony with nature, something that
has been denied to them up until now by the destruction of their
forests and rivers, and by “the pollution of the air and of minds,”
as some derisively comment.
Tupinikim
chief Sezenando stresses that they still need to discuss the “Termo
de Ajuste de Conduta” (TAC), an instrument that will make the
land demarcation legally binding. This discussion, he says, “will
determine the initiation and the conditions of the removal of
the wood, since the federal government has declared that it does
not have the money to compensate Aracruz Celulose.” The indigenous
communities do not want to end up once again as those hardest
hit by this dispute, because “the natural resources of our territory
were destroyed by the company.”
Both
the Tupinikim and Guaraní recognize that starting over “will not
be an easy process, since we, the indigenous peoples, will not
be compensated, and we are already suffering from a lack of resources
and a lack of specific public policies for indigenous areas.”
“We
want our land so that we don’t have to be dependent on the ‘family
basket’ programme, handouts, or some little job in the city,”
they stress, while speaking enthusiastically about the prospects
for projects in the area. By uniting together, “the communities
can revive their traditions on the recovered lands,” they believe.
At
the same time, they are convinced that this victory “is a symbol
of the power of social movements against transnational companies
like Aracruz Celulose, which cause countless negative impacts
on local populations,” as Tupinikim leader Vilmar declared. And
we of the Alert Against the Green Desert Network would add: This
victory was a victory of justice, the fruit of the organization
and the forceful and persistent struggle of movements, both indigenous
and non-indigenous. The indigenous peoples set an example for
all of Brazilian society and delivered a message to the big multinationals,
showing them that they are not invincible capital. As one of the
supporters of their struggle maintained, “We could say that they,
the indigenous peoples, are the new civilizers.”
By
Arlete Pinheiro Schuber, e-mail: arleteschubert@ig.com.br,
Fase/ES and Rede Alerta contra o Deserto Verde (Alert Against
the Green Desert Network)
(Testimonials
gathered at the victory party held by the indigenous communities
on 7 September 2007 in the village of Pau Brasil)
index
-
Next steps in the indigenous struggle: Territorial
reoccupation and reconversion of eucalyptus plantations
Although
the struggle for 11,009 hectares of Tupinikim and Guarani land
in the hands of the greatest eucalyptus pulp exporter in the world,
Aracruz Cellulose, was a major challenge, the reoccupation of
this territory and reconversion of eucalyptus in the zone to other
land uses is perhaps an even greater one. Over the past
40 years, more than 90% of the area has been occupied and exploited
by monoculture eucalyptus plantations, causing degradation of
countless streams and rivers, killing the fish and contaminating
the scant water left for the indigenous people to drink, bathe
and wash their clothes. The tree felling preceding the plantation
of the eucalyptus trees destroyed the indigenous peoples’ great
wealth: the Atlantic forest, with its numerous kinds of wood,
medicinal plants, game, fruit, raw material for traditional crafts,
among other products.
The
conditions for territorial reoccupation depend, in the first place,
on the terms of an agreement known as TAC – Document for the Adjustment
of Behaviour – that is to be drawn up by the Federal Public Ministry
with the participation of the company, the indigenous peoples,
the 6th Chamber and the Ministry of Justice. This TAC is aimed
at “improvements” in the area, mainly the eucalyptus plantations.
The signature of this TAC is important to avoid the company launching
legal proceedings – as it constantly threatens – as this could
make the conclusion of indigenous land demarcation unfeasible.
If the government were to consider that Aracruz planted the eucalyptus
trees in good faith, the company would have the lawful right to
compensation – although this does not correspond to what happened
at the time, as can be vouched for by the indigenous people who
were present during Aracruz’s invasion of the area. Aracruz has
estimated the value of the “improvements” in the area at US$ 53
million. However, for its part the federal government has declared
that it does not have the resources to compensate the company,
and for this reason suggests that the eucalyptus planted be part
of the negotiation. Other improvements and items under negotiation
include power transmission cables, a railway branch and part of
the hydraulic complex.
The
company will surely demand that all the eucalyptus trees be removed
from the area, leaving a literally devastated landscape for the
Tupinikim and Guarani people, while these want to ensure conditions
that will enable them to work in the conquered lands. These
conditions will be defined in the final draft of the TAC. Once
the TAC is agreed upon, the demarcation process could be concluded.
This process also consists of the physical demarcation of the
area – placing signs – homologation of the area by the President
of the Republic and legal registry of the lands, declaring that
they belong to the federal government and that the Tupinikim and
Guarani people have the right to their exclusive use.
So
far, the Tupinikim and Guarani people have submitted the following
proposals to establish territorial reoccupation:
-
In the first place the Tupinikim and Guarani people want to rebuild
the villages destroyed by the invasion of Aracruz in the area,
as was the case twice in the past when they recovered their lands
after 2005. Four Guarani families are already living in the recently
rebuilt village of Olho D’Água. The Guarani people are cleaning
the areas surrounding the straw-roofed wood and mud houses, built
in the middle of the eucalyptus plantation, to start growing foodstuffs.
The presence in the area of one of the few springs that survived
the environmental disaster of the monoculture eucalyptus plantation
has encouraged the Guarani people to start living in this place
and restore the old village. Another village that will be
lived in shortly is Areal. Certainly other villages will start
being populated and thus the indigenous people will be able to
recover their traditional occupation of the region – with sufficient
villages, each with a few families – thus freeing the existing
villages that are suffering from overpopulation problems.
-
Secondly, the communities want to reforest part of the area with
native trees from the Atlantic forest, giving priority to the
banks of rivers and streams, in addition to springs. They know
that this work is important to guarantee water and thus life for
future generations of the Tupinikim and Guarani people. Since
2005, the communities are discussing proposals for reforestation
and a large meeting of the villages was organized under the name
of “Replanting our Hopes.” A pilot project was launched in 2006
for a nursery to produce native tree saplings in the village of
Pau Brasil, guided by a list of over 100 species prepared by the
older indigenous people. They are species that have traditionally
been used by the indigenous people for crafts, home-made remedies
and domestic utensils. This year two reforestations have already
taken place, including an area previously planted with eucalyptus
trees. From now on the proposal is to encourage this restoration
work.
-
In the third place, the communities are seeking economic alternatives
for the indigenous lands, using different kinds of crops
that can generate employment and income. Various proposals
are being studied, but no fully defined plan exists as yet. What
does exist is an enormous will to ensure the communities’ economic
autonomy, with a place where the children can live and in the
future, work, enjoying the freedom that Aracruz took away from
them in the past. A place where, even with all the changes frequently
imposed on the indigenous people, the basic elements of their
tradition and culture are preserved. In the future, this will
enable the Tupinikim and Guarani people to continue developing
their way of life.
By:
Winnie Overbeek, FASE/ES, e-mail:
winnie.fase@terra.com.br
index
WORKING CONDITIONS
AND HEALTH IMPACTS ON TREE PLANTATIONS
-
Working conditions on tree plantations: A health
issue
Very
few studies have been undertaken on the health and safety of tree
plantation workers around the world. In addition, this sector
generally tends to be addressed as part of the larger sector of
the forestry industry, which also encompasses logging and wood
harvesting activities in natural forests.
Nevertheless,
a chapter on the forestry industry in the International Labour
Organization (ILO) Encyclopaedia of Occupational Health and Safety
includes some noteworthy data that it is well worth presenting
here, focussing on information related to the sector we are particularly
concerned with.
The
ILO recognizes that forestry work, including work on industrial
tree plantations, is strenuous and dangerous. Because they work
outdoors, workers are exposed to extreme weather conditions: cold,
heat, snow, rain and ultraviolet (UV) radiation. Work often continues
even in bad weather, and night-time work is becoming increasingly
frequent in mechanized operations. Worksites are usually remote
and have poor communications, which makes the rescue and evacuation
of workers difficult in emergency situations. In many countries
it is still common for workers to live for long periods in camps,
isolated from their families and friends.
The
difficulties are aggravated by the nature of the work, which involves
the use of dangerous tools and heavy physical effort. Bad weather,
noise and vibration are common physical risk factors in forestry
work in general. Exposure to physical risks largely varies in
accordance with the type of work and the equipment used. Other
factors like work organization, employment patterns and training
also play an important role in increasing or decreasing the hazards
involved in forestry work.
Manual
forestry work typically implies a heavy physical workload, which
in turn leads to a high energy expenditure, depending on the specific
task done and the pace at which it is carried out. Forestry workers
need to consume a much greater quantity of food than “ordinary”
office workers in order to cope with the demands of their jobs.
Different
studies have revealed that forestry workers are exposed to high
rates of illness in addition to injuries and accidents.
Although
few in number and conducted with small numbers of workers, studies
of physiological indicators of physical strain (heart rate, haematological
parameters, elevated blood enzyme activity) have all concluded
that tree planting is an extremely strenuous occupation in terms
of both cardiovascular and musculoskeletal strain.
Musculoskeletal
and physiological load
Although
there is no epidemiological literature that specifically links
tree plantation work with musculoskeletal problems, the forceful
movements involved in carrying loads, in addition to the range
of postures and muscular work involved in the planting cycle,
undoubtedly constitute risk factors that are heightened by the
repetitive nature of the work.
Repetitive
strain injuries continue to be a significant problem. Studies
have shown that between 50% and 80% of machine operators suffer
from neck or shoulder problems. Comparisons of figures tend to
be difficult because injuries develop gradually over long periods
of time.
Tree
planters also face numerous biomechanical hazards to the upper
limbs, including extreme flexing and bending of the wrists – such
as when grabbing seedlings from trays – and the sudden impact
on hands and arms when the planting tool hits a hidden rock.
Meanwhile,
the manual piling of logs involves the repeated lifting of heavy
weights. If the proper working technique is not used and the pace
is too fast, there is a very high risk of suffering musculoskeletal
injuries. Carrying heavy loads over long periods of time, as when
harvesting and transporting wood for pulp production, has similar
effects. The total weight carried, the frequency of lifting and
the physical and repetitive nature of the work are factors that
contribute to the muscular strain exerted on the upper limbs.
On
the other hand, working with portable machines such as chainsaws
may require an even greater energy expenditure than manual work,
due to their considerable weight. In fact, the chainsaws used
tend to be too large for the task being carried out. Highly specialized
motor-manual tasks entail a very high risk of musculoskeletal
injuries because the work cycles are short and the specific movements
are repeated many times over.
Working
in awkward positions can result in problems such as lower back
pain. One example of this is the use of an axe to delimb trees
that are lying on the ground, which involves working bent over
for long periods of time, leading to great strain on the lower
back area and static work for the back muscles.
Another
potential risk for those who work planting trees is posed by the
unloading of trays of seedlings from delivery trucks, since these
can weigh between 3 and 4.1 kg each when full. Carrying loads
with harnesses can also lead to back pain, especially if the weight
is not well distributed on the shoulders and around the waist.
It
is also important to point out the muscular load on the lower
limbs: walking several kilometres a day carrying loads over irregular
terrain, sometimes uphill, can rapidly become exhausting work.
In addition, this task implies frequent flexions of the knees
and the constant use of the feet. Most tree planters use their
feet to clear away detritus with a lateral movement before making
a hole, and also to apply weight on the tool’s footrest to plunge
it into the soil and to compact the soil around the seedling once
it has been inserted.
In
the case of motor-manual forestry work, workers are also subjected
to specific risks due to the machinery they use. Noise represents
a problem when working with chainsaws or similar equipment. The
noise level of the majority of chainsaws used in normal forestry
work is over 100 decibels. Operators are exposed to this noise
level for two to five hours a day, which can result in hearing
loss.
Continuous
work in the outdoors, exposed to the rigours of climate, often
without proper protection against the sun (sunglasses, hats and
sunblock) and against insects, can result in dehydration, sunburn
and heat stroke. Working in a hot climate puts pressure on forest
workers who carry out heavy work. Among other effects, the heart
rate increases to keep body temperature down. Sweating leads to
the loss of body fluids, and heavy work in high temperatures means
workers may need to drink a litre of water an hour to maintain
the balance of these fluids.
In
cold climates, the muscles do not function well, and this increases
the risk of suffering musculoskeletal injuries and accidents.
Furthermore, energy expenditure increases considerably, since
it takes a great deal of energy simply to stay warm.
One
of the illnesses specific to this sector is “tree-planter burnout”,
a disorder provoked by haematological deficiency and characterized
by lethargy, weakness and dizziness, similar to the “sport anaemia”
developed by athletes in training.
There
is a high incidence of premature loss of working capacity and
consequently of early retirement among forestry workers. Chainsaw
operators and workers who manually load logs are prone to hearing
loss and back injuries. A disorder that traditionally affects
chainsaw operators is so-called “white finger” disease, a painful
condition provoked by the vibration of the saw which can leave
them unable to work: the fingers turn white and become numb, making
it impossible to carry out more delicate tasks. The disorder can
also cause tingling and pain in both arms, especially at night.
On
the other hand, the long work days, commuting and strict quality
control to which tree planters are subjected, together with the
demands posed by piece work (a widespread practice among tree
plantation subcontractors) can affect the worker’s physiological
and psychological equilibrium and result in chronic fatigue and
stress.
Accidents
and injuries
The
setting in which tree plantation work is done makes workers particularly
prone to trips and falls. Forestry work can result in injuries
to almost every part of the body, but injuries tend to be concentrated
in the legs, feet, back and hands, roughly in that order. Cuts
and open wounds are the most common type of injury among chainsaw
operators, while bruises tend to predominate in other work areas,
although there is also the risk of fractures and dislocations
as well as injuries associated with forceful movements or caused
by cutting scraps or debris.
Ranking
of the most frequent tree-planting accidents grouped by body parts
affected (percentages based on 122 reports by 48 subjects in Québec,
Canada)
Rank |
Body
part |
%
total |
Related
causes |
1 |
Knees |
14 |
Falls,
contact with tool, soil compaction |
2 |
Skin |
12 |
Equipment
contact, biting and stinging insects, sunburn, chapping
|
3 |
Eyes |
11 |
Insects,
insect repellent, twigs |
4 |
Back |
10 |
Frequent
bending, load carrying |
4 |
Feet |
10 |
Soil
compaction, blisters |
5 |
Hands |
8 |
Chapping,
scratches from contact with soil |
6 |
Legs |
7 |
Falls,
contact with tool |
7 |
Wrists |
6 |
Hidden
rocks |
8 |
Ankles |
4 |
Trips
and falls, hidden obstacles, contact with tool |
9 |
Other |
18 |
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Another
study on occupational safety on tree plantations in Nigeria revealed
that on average, workers suffered two accidents a year, while
in a given year, between one in four and one in ten workers suffered
a serious accident.
Two
situations which further heighten the already high risk of serious
accidents during the harvesting stage on tree plantations are
“hung-up” trees and wind-blown timber. Wind-blow tends to produce
timber under tension, which requires specially adapted cutting
techniques. Hung-up trees are those that have been severed at
the stump but do not fall to the ground because their crowns have
become entangled with other trees. Hung-up trees are so dangerous
that in some countries they are referred to as “widow-makers”
due to the large number of deaths they cause. Bringing these trees
safely down to the ground requires the use of tools like winches
and turning hooks. However, a highly dangerous practice known
as “driving” is used in some countries, through which other trees
are felled so as to fall onto the hung-up tree and thereby bring
it down.
In
many countries, manual workers work together with or close to
chainsaw or machine operators. Machine operators are seated in
cabins or use hearing protection and good protective equipment,
but in most cases, manual workers wear no protective gear whatsoever.
They also do not maintain a safe distance from the machines, which
results in an extremely high risk of accidents and hearing loss
for unprotected workers.
The
other side of the coin with regard to mechanization is the emerging
problem of neck and shoulder strain injuries among machine operators,
which can be as incapacitating as serious accidents.
The
risk of an accident varies not only in accordance with the technology
used and the degree of exposure involved in the job, but with
other factors as well. In almost all cases for which data are
available, there is a very significant difference between segments
of the workforce. Full-time, professional forestry workers directly
employed by a forest enterprise are far less affected than those
who are self-employed or employed by contractors.
Transportation
on highways also accounts for a large number of serious accidents,
especially in tropical countries.
Chemical
hazards
The
trend towards mechanization of forestry work is increasing. During
maintenance and repair operations, the hands of machine operators
are exposed to lubricants, hydraulic oils and fuel oils, which
can cause irritant dermatitis.
The
portable machines used in the forestry industry are powered by
two-stroke engines, in which lubricating oil is mixed with gasoline.
Generally, around 30% of the gasoline consumed by a chainsaw engine
is emitted unburned. The main components of exhaust emissions
are hydrocarbons, which are typical components of gasoline, as
well as additives like organic lead compounds, alcohols and ethers.
Some of the exhaust gases are formed during combustion, and the
main toxic product among them is carbon monoxide. Fuels also represent
a fire hazard.
Forestry
workers are also exposed to chemical products like pesticides,
insecticides and herbicides. On tree plantations, pesticides are
used to control fungi, insects and rodents. Products used include
phenoxy herbicides, glyphosate or triazines, as well as insecticides
such as organophosphorus compounds, organochlorine compounds or
synthetic pyredroids. In nurseries, dithiocarbamates are used
regularly to protect softwood seedlings against pine fungus.
The
methods used to apply pesticides include aerial spraying, application
from tractor-driven equipment, knapsack spraying, ultra low volume
(ULV) spraying and the use of sprayers connected to brush saws.
The risk of exposure is similar to that in other pesticide applications.
The symptoms caused by excessive exposure to pesticides vary greatly
depending on the compound applied, but occupational exposure to
pesticides most often causes skin disorders. Personal protection
equipment tends to be very hot and to cause excessive sweating.
Biological
hazards
People
who work outdoors, as in the case of tree plantation workers,
are exposed to health hazards from animals, plants, bacteria,
viruses, etc. to a greater degree than the rest of the population.
Allergic reactions to plants and wood products, especially pollen,
are very common. There is also the possibility of injuries during
processing operations (for example, from thorns, spines, bark)
and from secondary infections, which cannot always be avoided
and can cause additional complications.
Another
potential hazard is being bitten by poisonous snakes, as well
as the possibility of a life-threatening allergic reaction to
the antidote used in such cases.
Social
and psychological factors
The
health and safety situation in tree plantation work depends on
a range of factors such as stand and terrain conditions, infrastructure,
climate, technology, work methods, work organization, economic
situation, contracting arrangements, worker accommodation, and
education and training. But social and psychological factors also
have an impact. In the context of forestry work, these factors
include job satisfaction and security, the mental workload, susceptibility
and response to stress, the capacity to cope with perceived risks,
work pressure, overtime and fatigue, the need to endure adverse
environmental conditions, social isolation in work camps with
separation from families, work organization, and teamwork.
Traditionally,
forestry workers have come from rural areas and have felt a sense
of identification with the independent, outdoors nature of the
work. However, modern forestry operations no longer fit such expectations.
Those who are unable to adapt to mechanization, subcontracting
and the rapid technological and structural changes in forestry
work since the early 1980s are often marginalized. Many new entrants
still come ill-prepared to the job.
Social
and psychological factors are likely to play a major role in determining
the impact of risk and stress. A German study revealed that around
11% of forestry industry accidents were attributed to stress,
and another third to fatigue, routine, risk taking and lack of
experience.
Forestry
workers generally consider risk-taking to be part of their job.
Where this tendency is pronounced, risk compensation can undermine
efforts to improve work safety. In these situations, workers adjust
their behaviour and return to what they perceive as an acceptable
level of risk. For example, this may be part of the explanation
for the limited effectiveness of personal protective equipment
(PPE). Knowing that they are protected by cut-proof trousers and
boots, workers go faster, work with the machine closer to their
body and take short cuts, thereby violating safety regulations
because they “take too long to follow”. Normally, risk compensation
seems to be partial. There are probably differences among individuals
and groups of workers, and reward factors are probably important
to trigger risk compensation. Such rewards could include reduced
discomfort (such as when not wearing warm protective clothing
in a hot climate) or financial benefits (such as in piece-rate
systems), but social recognition in a “macho” culture is also
a conceivable motive.
Among
the most common stress factors in the forestry industry are high
work speed, repetitive and boring work, heat, an overload or underload
of work in unbalanced work crews, young or old workers trying
to achieve sufficient earnings on low piece-work rates, isolation
from workmates, family and friends, and a lack of privacy in camps.
The
transformation of forestry work that has drastically increased
productivity has also increased stress levels and reduced overall
welfare in the sector.
Two
types of workers are especially prone to stress: harvester operators
and contractors. Operators of sophisticated harvesters are in
a multiple-stress situation, due to the short work cycles, the
quantity of information they need to absorb and the large number
of quick decisions they need to make. Harvesters are significantly
more demanding than more traditional machines like skidders, loaders
and forwarders. In addition to machine handling, the operator
is usually also responsible for machine maintenance, planning
and skid track design as well as bucking, scaling and other quality
aspects that are closely monitored by the company and that have
a direct impact on pay.
Quite
commonly, the operators of these machines are also their owners
and work as small contractors, which can lead to added strain.
This is particularly due to the financial risk entailed, which
can involve loans of up to USD 1 million in a highly volatile
and competitive market. Among this group, working weeks often
exceed 60 hours.
There
are significant differences between the various segments of the
forestry workforce in terms of the form of employment, which have
a direct impact on workers’ exposure to safety and health hazards.
The share of forestry workers directly employed by forestry companies
has been declining. More and more work is done through contractors
(that is, relatively small, geographically mobile service firms
employed for a particular job), which may be owner-operators (either
single-person firms or family businesses) or may have a number
of employees. Both the contractors and their employees often have
very unstable employment. Because contractors are under pressure
to cut costs in a very competitive market, they sometimes resort
to illegal practices such as moonlighting and hiring undocumented
immigrants. Accidents and health complaints tend to be more frequent
among workers employed by contractors.
Contract
labour has also contributed to increasing the high rate of turnover
in the forestry workforce, further exacerbating the lack of qualified
workers. The lack of structured training and short periods of
experience due to high turnover or seasonal work are decisive
factors in the significant health and safety problems facing the
forestry sector.
The
dominant wage system in forestry continues to be piece-rates (in
other words, payment based exclusively on output). This payment
system tends to lead to a faster pace of work, which is believed
to contribute to increasing the number of accidents. An undeniable
side effect is that earnings decrease once workers reach a certain
age, because their physical abilities decline.
Wages
in the forestry sector are usually much lower than the industrial
average in the same country. Employees, the self-employed and
contractors often try to compensate for this fact by working 50
or even 60 hours a week, which increases strain on the body and
the risk of accidents because of fatigue. Organized labour and
trade unions are rather rare in this sector. The traditional problems
of organizing geographically dispersed, mobile, sometimes seasonal
workers have been compounded by the fragmentation of the workforce
into small contractor firms.
Labour
inspections are rarely carried out in most countries. In the absence
of institutions to protect workers’ rights, forestry workers typically
have little knowledge of their rights, including those stipulated
in existing health and safety regulations, and therefore face
great difficulties in exercising them.
The
information presented in this article was extracted from the ILO
Encyclopaedia of Occupational Health and Safety, Fourth Edition,
Volume III, Part X, Industries Based On Biological Resources,
Forestry. http://www.ilo.org/encyclopaedia/?d&nd=857200345&prevDoc=857000002
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Uruguay: The sad
situation of tree plantation workers
In
Uruguay we have entered the 21st century as witnesses to the transformation
of the landscape throughout the length and breadth of the country.
Plantations of eucalyptus and pine trees seem to have invaded
every type of terrain. This geographical transformation has also
had a direct social impact, affecting numerous aspects of life.
The
influx of capital invested in forestry operations (primarily foreign-owned)
and the immediate establishment of monoculture tree plantations
marked the inception of a new pyramid of social and work categories:
contractors, sub-contractors and a wide base of plantation workers,
who have participated in these enterprises from the first stages
of ant eradication and nursery building through to the harvesting
of the wood lured by dreams of a better future.
Vacant
fields and abandoned farm buildings, storage sheds and vehicles
were rapidly transformed into makeshift “rooming houses”. And
in areas where there was simply no infrastructure at all, flimsy
tents or shelters built from branches and plastic sheeting, easily
confused with livestock pens, become the living quarters of the
work crews.
For
many workers, employment on tree plantations has meant overcrowding,
promiscuity and dismal working conditions, the most outstanding
and widespread characteristic of an industry that was hailed as
promising economic well-being and prosperity for large sectors
of the population. At the same time, a series of other factors
emerged that have combined to create labour conditions that are
far from encouraging: the occurrence of serious work-related accidents,
the appearance of diseases associated with poor nutrition and
lack of hygiene, low salaries or unpaid wages, and cattle rustling
and bitter mate tea as the only means of survival.
The
Uruguayan government has failed to implement any plans for monitoring
and controlling working conditions in this sector through the
pertinent state agency. The justification used for this is that
there have been no complaints received from the workers. Nevertheless,
the general tone of the policy followed is essentially to intervene
as little as possible; this is made clear by the official statistics
themselves. Aside from this basic lack of oversight policies,
the most obvious obstacle is the complete lack of four-wheel drive
vehicles that would make it possible for inspectors to reach the
different worksites, a situation that has remained unchanged for
several years. The decrease in the number of labour inspections
carried out on tree plantations is inversely related to the continuous
increase in the area of land planted and the volume of wood harvested.
The
subjection to the worst imaginable labour conditions suffered
by part of the workforce in the sector has not led to an increase
in complaints to the competent authorities. The number of complaints
registered has been slight. There are a number of reasons for
this. One is the lack of awareness of the labour rights that protect
workers as the weakest party in labour relations. Another reason,
and perhaps the most important, is the fact that workers are afraid
of being identified as the person responsible for lodging a complaint
and consequently losing any possibility of finding employment
in the future.
Thousands
of workers are transported daily from cities and towns like Rivera
and Tranqueras to different worksites. Other workers migrate to
towns and villages like Perseverano, Castillos, Greco, Punta del
Chileno, Aguas Blancas, Villa del Carmen, Piedra Colorada, and
many others, in search of employment opportunities regardless
of the working conditions entailed. Many of them spend days or
even weeks sleeping outdoors or in makeshift shelters hoping that
they will be able to work and make enough money to return home.
Paso
de La Cruz is a town that abandoned its traditional activities
of cattle and citrus fruit farming to devote itself entirely to
the tree plantation industry. It is located in the department
(province) of Río Negro, a few kilometres from National Highway
No. 25.
Rows
of houses that stretch along a gravel road are home to a permanent
population of approximately 400 residents. The town has several
stores, a multi-purpose community hall, a police detachment and
a doctor who visits the area on a fairly regular basis. Communication
by mobile phone is largely a matter of luck. As you walk down
the main street, the chainsaws, hard hats and other equipment
you see in almost every front yard very clearly reflect the main
activity of the townspeople. During the day, dozens of logging
trucks pass through loaded down with timber, while heavy machinery
owned by the local government struggles to maintain the only route
in and out of town in usable condition.
The
forestry companies operating here prohibit work crews from spending
the night on their lands. As a result, during the harvesting season,
more than 200 workers commute many kilometres to set up their
camps in town. Some manage to rent abandoned houses, but the majority
are forced to bunk down in open fields, vacant lots or along the
roadside. During the night, the fires that workers build to sit
around and share mate tea are the only form of street lighting.
While
some of the local residents interviewed highlighted the positive
aspect of the fact that there is no unemployment in the town,
they did not hide their discomfort and concern over such problems
as alcoholism, prostitution, cattle rustling, broken promises
with regard to salaries, and the payment of wages with vouchers
that can only be redeemed in certain stores. The local police
detachment is overwhelmed by the high demand for police intervention
and the complexity of the social problems that have developed.
Troubled by the situation that is emerging in the town, a complaint
has been lodged with the departmental government.
There
is a great deal that still needs to be done with regard to the
social situation. As has been stressed by the International Labour
Organization (ILO), it is not enough to create new employment
opportunities; what is really needed is the creation of decent
jobs.
By
the Association of Labour Inspectors of Uruguay (AITU), “For work
with rights”. E-mail:
inspectoresdetrabajo@adinet.com.uy, http://www.aitu.org/
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South Africa: Working conditions and the
contract labour system in timber plantations
Since
the mid 1980's there has been a global trend towards the outsourcing
of labour-intensive aspects of the plantation timber production
model. In South Africa, the timber industry has openly admitted
that its main motive for replacing permanent employment of workers
with contract outsourcing was to cut costs. This has resulted
in a number of negative consequences for plantation workers and
their families: loss of job security, together with all the normal
benefits of direct permanent employment -medical assistance schemes,
insurance, pensions, housing, education bursaries, and opportunities
for in-house training and career development. This has led to
considerable disadvantages and economic losses to worker communities,
while timber companies have benefited exponentially.
Another
reason for the move to contract employment / labour outsourcing
was clearly the desire on the timber industry's part to avoid
having to deal with any worker union action that could threaten
productivity and therefore profitability. Outsourcing jobs under
the contract labour system effectively passes responsibility for
worker health and safety down to often poorly resourced sub-contractors
that cannot afford to provide even basic protective clothing like
gloves and face-masks to their workers. The sub-contracting system
is usually very poorly monitored by the timber companies, and
because main contractors often sub-contract the work to other
contractors at a profit, without actually having to get involved
in the actual work, it becomes even more difficult to keep track
of whether the conditions of contract in terms of things like
training, minimum wages and protective clothing are adhered to.
Even
before this transition took place, considerable effort had already
been made by the larger timber companies to eliminate or reduce
the use of labour in the field through the use of expensive mechanical
technology that could replace hundreds of workers with single
machines. Using toxic herbicides to control alien plants and weeds
in plantation areas was also a cost-effective alternative to manual
weeding methods that had previously provided work for many people.
In spite of this the plantation industry has stuck to its dubious
claims that timber plantations create new employment and uplift
rural communities, although this is clearly far from the truth.
It is well known that other agricultural activities, even sugarcane
growing, provide employment for many more people than timber plantations
do. Most job-losses have been experienced when individually owned
and managed mixed farming enterprises are replaced with timber
plantations, and this loss of jobs is compounded by the reduction
in worker wages and benefits that inevitably results.
The
prevailing timber plantation model used in South Africa and in
many other lesser-developed countries is responsible for a wide
range of negative impacts that can contribute to workplace injuries
and poor worker health. Harmful impacts often extend beyond the
workplace into the homes and communities of workers through linkages
that evolved as a part of colonial governance and as an effect
of the prevailing corporate 'profit at any price' mentality, where
many of the direct costs associated with timber production in
plantations are avoided and transferred to worker communities
and the environment. The United Nations International Labour Organisation
(ILO) has rated forest and timber plantation work as being one
of the most dangerous, but in combination with the effects of
the poor social conditions caused by the contract labour system
used in the timber industry, it becomes even more harmful. Without
going into great detail, it can be seen that many damaging effects
on ecosystems and people are largely hidden from or ignored by
society, with government also seemingly unwilling to remove its
blinkers.
The
disruption of community life caused by plantations both through
displacement and evictions, and particularly worker migration
driven by the contract labour system, is responsible for family
breakdown; increased alcoholism, drug use and crime. The proliferation
of sexually transmitted diseases including HIV AIDS, can be linked
directly to the demands placed on workers, especially truck drivers,
who must of necessity be away from their homes to find work. Overall,
timber plantations perpetuate a cycle of poverty that entrenches
poor nutrition, inadequate education, and poor health. Displaced
families often end up living in slum shack settlements where they
become exposed to disease, crime and the constant threat of losing
all their possessions to the fires that frequently raze their
insubstantial homes.
Women
make up a large part of the workforce employed in timber plantations,
but their involvement is usually confined to menial physical tasks
like weeding, pesticide application, or bark stripping. At the
same time these women have to take responsibility for home management,
child rearing, and numerous related tasks. In the case of out-grower
schemes, especially when the male household head is absent, women
must bear the additional burden of responsibility for protecting
and managing the woodlot. They often receive little reward as
the money from the sale of the wood often goes directly to the
man, especially when he is the legal beneficiary of the out-grower
agreement with the timber company.
The
South African timber industry boasts that its (more than 80%)
certification by FSC is proof that these industrial timber plantations
are responsibly managed in accordance with the FSC principles,
criteria and standards for forest management. Why then is there
so little tangible evidence to support these claims? Why too are
so many of the problems experienced in South Africa also found
in other developing countries where large-scale monoculture timber
plantations have been established? Brasil, Chile, Ecuador, Uruguay,
Swaziland, Uganda, India, Indonesia, and Thailand are examples.
The
answer to these questions should be plain to see, but unfortunately
those who control the propaganda machine of the global pulp and
paper industry prefer to keep themselves deluded and in denial.
It has been said that if a lie is repeated often enough it will
eventually be accepted as the truth and even the liar will start
to believe it to be true, unless it is persistently challenged
by the truth. In this case the plantation certification lie is
being challenged by more people across the globe every day.
Article
based on part of the recent report written for GFC on Agrofuels
and certification titled “The Social Impacts of Certified Timber
Plantations in South Africa and the Implications Thereof for Agrofuel
Crops”.
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Malaysia: “Cheap” Paraquat at the expense
of the workers’ health
An
article from Jennifer Mourin, deputy executive director of Pesticide
Action Network’s regional office for Asia and the Pacific (PAN
AP), referred to a situation which is hardly unique in the Malaysian
oil palm sector: “Rajam worked as a pesticide sprayer on an estate
earning a daily wage of RM18. The main pesticide she sprayed was
paraquat [herbicide]. She was not provided any protective clothing
such as boots, masks, gloves, goggles or apron.
On
1 April 1998, Rajam was spraying Gramoxone (paraquat) when she
slipped and fell. Due to rain the previous night, the ground was
wet and slippery. The impact of the fall caused the nozzle
of the pump to spray the pesticide directly into her eyes. She
immediately felt an intense burning sensation on her face, lips
and eyes. Unfortunately, there was no water supply for her to
wash her face. She then started to walk back from her work area
to the estate clinic, where she arrived more than
two hours later. By the time she reached the clinic, her eyes
had reddened and swelled drastically. The hospital attendant washed
her eyes and asked her to go to the government hospital. They
admitted her in the hospital for one week. One year after the
incident, she is blind in her left eye. As for the other eye,
she stills feels pain and a burning sensation and experiences
excessive tearing all the time.”
