Increased
poverty, land conflicts and deforestation: The Asian
Development Bank's plantations record
The ADB has handed
out more than US$1 billion for forestry projects since its first
forestry project in 1977. Most of the Bank's recent forestry projects
were rated "partially successful or unsuccessful". The
Bank acknowledges "problems with project design and implementation"
and that "its [forestry] sector investments have had a minimal
positive impact on forest loss and degradation". Even this
"minimal positive impact" is a result of defining a
plantation as a forest. According to the Bank, clearing villagers'
forests and farmlands and replacing them with monoculture tree
plantations is "positive".
More than 80 per
cent of the Bank's loans for forestry projects went on establishing
plantations. ADB-funded plantations have repeatedly failed due
to poor selection of species, fire, disease or because the land
on which they are planted was already in use by local people.
Many of the Bank's plantation projects were poorly designed and
weakly monitored.
The ADB's own documents
reveal the problems clearly, as the following extracts illustrate.
A project in Western Samoa was delayed "due to prolonged,
and sometimes breakdown in the negotiation to secure lease of
land owned collectively". In the Philippines, an ADB plantation
project "suffered from deficiencies in Project design and
implementation." The plantations established were poorly
maintained and "were characterized by highly uneven and low
tree growth rate." An ADB-funded project established 20,000
hectares of plantations in Bangladesh, but villagers who took
part in the project "received only minimal benefits".
The result was "impatience and a feeling of resignation among
participants" and "a potentially hostile social environment."
At a project site in Nepal, only about one-third of the Bank's
target area of 5,000 hectares could be planted, "primarily
because of encroachment by squatters".
A Timber Plantation
Project in Indonesia aimed to plant on 51,000 hectares of "unproductive
shrubs and grasslands". At project completion, just over
half the target area had been planted. The ADB's Project Completion
Report describes the damage to the plantations by fires and failing
species as "staggering". The tree species selected for
the project "were not based on proven field trials, and were
not sufficiently reassessed during site planning and preparation
of plantation site designs."
One of the companies
carrying out the planting, Inhutani III, clashed with Indigenous
People in West Kalimantan. An Indonesian NGO, the Institute of
Dayakology Research and Development, accused Inhutani III of using
force in taking over lands from indigenous communities. The Bank
hired a consultant for a few weeks and rejected the allegations,
although the project area was reduced to exclude "areas where
potential land tenure claims could rise".
Under the Bank's
Industrial Tree Plantations Project in Laos, loans were given
to farmers to plant eucalyptus trees. Many of the trees failed
to grow, leaving farmers with no means of repaying the debt. "Thousands
of inexperienced farmers and individuals were misled by prospects
of unattainable gains, leaving the majority of farmers with onerous
debts, with no prospect of repaying their loans, and with failing
plantations," notes a report by the Bank's Operations Evaluation
Department.
The project also
supported commercial tree plantations. One of the companies involved,
BGA Lao Plantation Forestry (now taken over by Japan's Oji Paper)
used ADB funding to bulldoze commons, forest and villager's farmlands
to make way for its monoculture eucalyptus plantations.
Monitoring by ADB
staff of plantation projects is weak. In Laos, Bank missions included
few trips outside Vientiane. Between 1996 and 2003 there was no
forestry specialist on any of the Bank's project review missions
to Laos. Between July 2000 and February 2002 there were no ADB
review missions to the country at all.
In an earlier project
in the Philippines, only one socio-economic survey was carried
out and only one Bank mission included a visit by a forestry specialist
to the project sites. The Project Performance Audit Report notes
that "There was little or no assessment of plantation growth
performance, review of the appropriateness of Project design,
and determination of the adequacy of Project staffing input and
technical competency. No technical advice on forestry establishment
or assistance in the Project performance management system was
provided."
Since 2000, the ADB
has been carrying out a review of its Forest Policy. An open discussion
on the problems created by the Bank's lending to the forestry
sector (as well as the impact on people and forests of the Bank's
lending to roads, dams and mining) is long overdue. But the most
recent publicly available draft of the proposed policy is dated
June 2003. Since then, ADB staff have promised on several occasions
that a new draft would be made available to the public. In January
2008, the ADB's Senior Public Information and Disclosure Coordination
Assistant, Robert Paul S. Mamonong, promised that a "draft
synthesis report is being revised and is expected to be ready
by April 2008."
A few years ago,
Javed H. Mir, the ADB's forestry specialist, gave a presentation
about a "Regional Study on Forest Policy and Institutional
Reforms" carried out by the Bank. He answered his own question,
"What not to do?" with "Not to repeat mistakes".
Following his advice would mark a dramatic break with history
for the ADB. Repeating mistakes seems to be precisely what the
Bank is determined to do. The Bank's June 2003 draft forest policy,
for example, aims to "increase the extent and productivity
of plantations".
Instead of continuing
to promote problems, the Bank should stop financing industrial
tree plantations.
By Chris Lang,
http://chrislang.org