Madagascar: Forest
communities impacted by a Rio Tinto mine
Madagascar is
the world’s fourth largest island and is usually portrayed
as being one of the poorest countries in Africa, with over three-quarters
of its population mainly dependant on agriculture for their livelihoods.
The Anosy region,
located in the mountains in the south east corner of Madagascar,
is home to approximately half a million inhabitants. It is a wet
region with varied biodiversity ranging across littoral, humid,
and transition forests to marshlands and wooded bush.
Since 2005 the
main city of the region, known as Fort Dauphin, has been the target
of financial investment under a World Bank ‘growth pole’
programme which has placed mining at the core of the regional
development strategy. The mine is privately owned by QIT Minerals
Madagascar (QMM), a subsidiary of Rio Tinto. Over the next sixty
years it will extract and export to Canada approximately 750,000
tons of ilmenite (a mineral which transforms into industrial whitener
titanium dioxide).
The mine has
brought dramatic changes to the lives of rural villagers who live
adjacent to, and who depend upon, the local forests situated in
the mine’s trajectory. Approximately 6000 hectares of coastal
landscape is under QMM project custody for extraction. An estimated
1097 hectares have been designated as conservation zones with
restricted access.
The newly designated
‘conservation zones’, set up by QMM and the Forest
Service, employ a system that restricts access to the forest.
This means that many villagers – who previously relied on
their own traditional management mechanisms –- must now
pay (or be fined) to enter and take products from the forest.
Most are cash strapped market gardeners and fishermen earning
less than a dollar per day who now find themselves excluded from
this vital resource.
Some communities
have already been displaced from their lands to allow for construction
of a new port, quarry, roads and housing for mine workers. Others
have been restricted from access to their traditional fishing
sites. A cash compensation process has been applied for those
affected by displacement, but there are ongoing disputes about
the level of compensation delivered. Most consider it insufficient
to balance the loss of access to farmlands or fishing areas that
have supported their families over many generations.
The majority
of local people live from the land (86%) as subsistence farmers.
They designate ownership of their land by traditional means which
are recognised at community level. Legal tenure is difficult and
costly and of an estimated 90% of Malagasy farmers who own land,
only 8% have formal land titles. Compensation processes inevitably
favour those who can establish legal title.
What follows
are some testimonies from local people on the impacts that have
resulted from the mining project:
A 22 year old
woman called Fanja, tells: “I have to collect sticks from
the forest to fence the vegetable garden and stop domestic animals
grazing or eating the seeds. But collecting sticks has become
a problem because the forest belongs to the foreigners (QMM).
It is amazing how a forest growing in our region can become the
property of foreigners. Right now, local people need authorisation
to cut down trees. The worst thing is that we have to pay to get
the permit... We did not have to purchase firewood [before]...
Men went to collect construction wood and brought back the amount
they needed to build a house. Women took advantage of free firewood
and made a small business of selling it to other people... In
addition, people did not buy medicines. Medicinal plants were
available to us from the forest... I still rely on the forest
to supply my needs, especially to collect mahampy for my occupation
[weaving baskets]… In [the past], if I could not collect
mahampy, I could switch to collecting firewood and make a little
bit of money... Now, everything has changed. The forest is a forbidden
place... If such restrictions continue we will fall into chronic
hardship.”
Constand, a 31
year old man, explains how the forest became “a protected
area”: “QMM came to the village... They said that
they needed the forest to be protected... QMM collected signatures
from each individual in the village to get approval for the transfer
of forest management to them... The local community, along with
the local NGO, registered their opposition to QMM’s plan
to manage the forest. But this could not prevent QMM from appropriating
the forest around St Luce... [They said] deforestation threatened
St Luce Forest so it was time to take action... People in St Luce
believed...they would still have access to the forest... So they
did not oppose the plan vehemently enough.
Unfortunately,
[our] hardships have been accentuated, because QMM does not allow
access to the forest any more... It has taken away so many of
the resources that people need to sustain their lives... Because
people are poor, they need the forest... Instead of building houses
of bricks, people use forest resources... Second, forested land
is fertile and provides good yields of cassava, sweet potatoes
and rice. Therefore many farmers clear forest in order to expand
their cropland. Third, the forest provides many good things such
as medicinal plants... The only thing that people are still allowed
to do is collect firewood, but QMM’s forest guards must
supervise anyone who wants to do that...
In the past,
the local community managed the forest directly; they collected
fees from tourists visiting the forest and its biodiversity. The
number of tourists has increased every year, and now many foreign
students come to conduct scientific research. Such visits improve
people’s income.
Those benefits
have [now] disappeared... Now QMM staff have tagged most of the
animals living in the forest. Soon QMM will claim that all those
tagged animals are theirs...
I came to the
conclusion that only the government can work out a deal to claim
back the local community’s rights… It is a huge challenge
for people to draft a letter and send it to the respective authorities.
Most of us are illiterate... The only opportunity for the people
of St Luce to express their complaints is through interviews like
this.”
Bruno, male,
43, remembers: “In the past, there was thick forest, but
since QMM has taken over its management, it is as if the forest
has diminished... This has made it difficult for us to survive,
since our lives depend so directly on forest products... Our children
are going to have difficulty finding construction wood and they
lack money to buy it elsewhere...
Another problem
is the restriction on collecting firewood, despite this being
the primary means by which we cook our meals. [Now] people are
obliged to go to Fort Dauphin to buy charcoal...
If I have a visitor
in my house, our custom is to give them something to eat... Now
I do not have a supply of firewood, I cannot rapidly prepare a
meal... I am obliged to go off to look for it... [My visitor]
might leave without having eaten, which in my culture brings shame
on me.”
As Zanaboatsy,
male, 58, explains “[QMM] took advantage of our situation,
of us being too weak to oppose them. In addition, we are mostly
uneducated people; therefore we had to accept – against
our will – what they [proposed].” Zanaboatsy sums
up the situation by describing QMM as “the bain-tany”
– literally ‘wound of the earth’, expression
meaning a time of hardship and deprivation- and that he now has
“no opportunity to succeed in life and provide a better
future for my family.”
Extracted and
adapted from: “Madagascar. Voices of Change”, Andrew
Lees Trust & Panos London, 2009. The complete document is
available at: http://www.andrewleestrust.org/Reports/Voices%20of%20Change.pdf