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WRM Bulletin
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OUR VIEWPOINT NGO and Indigenous Peoples Organizations' representatives at the Intergovernmental Forum on Forests shared a common feeling in Geneva last May: that of frustration. At its third session, the IFF discussions seemed to be going nowhere; even worse, at times they appeared to be moving backwards. After a number of meetings, NGOs and IPOs decided to present a common statement to the IFF plenary, which began by saying: "In the seven years since the Rio Earth Summit, a great deal of dialogue on forests has taken place. At the same time, over 100 million hectares of the world's forests have been lost or degraded. While dialogue has some value, non-governmental and indigenous peoples' organizations are extremely disappointed and frustrated with the lack of impact on the ground from the IPF/IFF process. For whatever reasons, governments seem either unwilling or unable to take substantive action to solve the world's most pressing forest problems." The above is the true and sad picture of the situation, characterized by numerous agreed commitments (from the 1992 Earth Summit onwards), innumerable "talk-shops" and no real action to address the continuing destruction of the world's forests. Governments definitely show that they are "either unwilling or unable" to address the problem -probably even more unwilling than unable. The statement declares that, "Two years ago, the IPF Proposals for Action were added to these commitments. If these were all implemented and complied with, we believe that significant progress could be made. Unfortunately, little compliance or implementation has occurred." This was particularly clear in Geneva, where government delegates seemed more willing to discuss new issues or rediscuss old ones, simply because they had almost nothing to report on implementation in their respective countries. It looked as if they were trying to forget that the IFF's mandate is to carry out three main tasks, the first of which is to promote and facilitate the implementation of the IPF Proposals for Action and to review, monitor and report on progress in the management, conservation and sustainable development of all types of forest. Within such context, the NGO/IPO representatives attempted to bring the process back to the pressing realities of deforestation and forest degradation, by putting on the table a number of concrete demands for the coming period: "Our organizations have a set of very clear expectations of what needs to be done to rescue the world's forests, indigenous peoples and other forest-dependent peoples from the many clearly identified threats they continue to face. We feel it is our responsibilty to judge whether effective progress is made between now and IFF 4 against these expectations. Beginning immediately, each country should initiate a process at the national level, with the full participation of all major groups, to develop and implement a national strategy and plan for implementation of, and compliance with, all IPF proposals for action, the Convention on Biological Diversity, and other forest-related international agreements. This strategy must include: 1) a comparison of existing government programs, directly or indirectly related to forests, with the IPF proposals for action and other international commitments, to identify any gaps in effective implementation and compliance, and possible contradictions between these commitments and existing government programs; 2) a step-by-step timetable for implementation, review, and reporting; 3) identification and initiation of mechanisms by which all interested major groups, government agencies, and other parties will be involved in the implementation process, including in monitoring and reporting roles, and by which these parties will have access to all information they need to participate effectively. In addition a list of all parties currently involved in the process, and the nature of their involvement; and 4) a description of any new programs that have been, or need to be initiated to achieve the effective implementation of these proposals and agreements, and a clear plan and timetable for initiating such programs. At IFF 4, we will ask each country to present a report on its progress." Given that "the IFF process has not led to action, it has been dominated by narrow economic interests, has used outdated procedures for major group participation, and has often ignored or duplicated the work of existing agreements and initiatives", the NGO/IPO statement attempts to remind governments that their task is to implement existing agreements to protect forests. And to tell IFF delegates that enough is enough. Note: the full statement is available in our web site under Tropical Forests-NGO/IPO statements.
LOCAL STRUGGLES AND NEWS AFRICA Oil exploitation is responsible for the destruction of mangroves, local community displacement and suffering, as well as environmental degradation of water sources and soil in Nigeria. This depredation is usually accompanied by brutal actions against local community members and activists, during which armed corps constitute the executive arm of the companies. The Niger Delta is an area where oil prospection and exploitation are especially active. Environmental destruction and human rights abuses in this region to the hands of Shell and Chevron have been repeatedly denounced (see WRM Bulletin 22). Last April the Ekebiri communities of the Southern Ijau Local Government Area of Bayelsa were victims of the violence displayed by a group of soldiers, under the control and direction of Nigeria Agip Oil Company (NAOC). Ekebiri is a clan of three communities -Ekibiri I, II, and Opuadoma- with 32 other satellite villages, with an estimated population of about 10,000 people. NAOC has been responsible for several human rights abuses in the Niger Delta. The company has even been accused by several of its host communities for instigating ethnic clashes amongst them as a way of weakening their resistance. The events leading to the blood-bath started when the communities demanded from NAOC a compensation for the incessant spillages that have occurred in their territories, since 1969, the last being in 1997, and in which the company refused to pay. At the beginning of 1999 the company went into discussion with the communities but refused to pay the demanded sum. The discussions then broke down and the communities took steps on April 17 to enforce their demand by closing down the company's 2 manifolds in their communities. The following day NAOC took a military escort and reopened the shut manifolds, what was resisted by the villagers. The soldiers then opened fire into two boats, filled with unarmed youths and chiefs of Ekebiri I and II, who where on their way to a meeting with the Commissioner of Police of Bayelsa State. Eyewitnesses said that the shooting lasted for about 40 minutes and the soldiers shot the fleeing youths and chiefs until they landed on their community waterfront. Some were shot dead right on the community water bank while scrambling to run into their community. On hearing the gun shots, the entire villagers ran for their safety and deserted the village. As a result of this brutal action eight people were killed, two chiefs arrested and the boats seized. The Nigerian Agip Oil Company Ltd. has produced crude oil in this region since 1969, but despite these two decades of oil exploration and generation of huge benefits for the company, the local population has remained poor. And their environment destroyed. The Niger Delta Human and Environmental Rescue Organization (ND-HERO) is worried over the extent of impunity of Agip in dealing with oil producing communities. Agip is considered the worst company ever regarding environmental degradation and human rights abuses, seconded only by Elf Aquitaine. ND-HERO demands government to take urgent steps to bring Agip and the soldiers involved in these atrocities to justice and for Agip to abandon the use of the military in suppressing communities, and the instigation of ethnic struggles amongst the Niger Delta communities. Those interested in supporting this local struggle can send faxes of protest demanding for justice to the Ekebiri community to: General Abdulsalami Abubakar, Head of State and Commander in
Chief of the Nigeria Armed Forces, fax: (++234) 9 523 2138; Source: Late Friday News, 35th edition, April 1999 (from a report by Niger Delta Human and Environmental Rescue Organization ND-HERO dated April 22, 1999)
Cameroon: EU fosters rainforest destruction International "aid for development" is a major cause of forest destruction in many countries. This is exemplified in the case of Cameroon by the European Union, which plans to give a 55 million ECU grant to the government for road projects in the Southern region of the country. Cameroon has not explained which roads are to be built or rehabilitated and no environmental impact assessment studies have been carried out for these projects. This is not new, since in the past the EU has already funded such road projects. For example, the EU gave 600,000 ECU for the rehabilitation of the Abong Mbang road to Lomie in the Cameroon rainforests. As a result, illegal timber exploitation and poaching expanded rapidly, using the new roads as ways of access to the forest.The pygmy population is loosing its life-supporting resources from the forest and its social organisation is uprooted. At the same time, poaching has provoked an immense damage to the populations of gorillas and chimpanzees that are typical of that zone of the globe. European environnental NGOs are lobbying against the concession of such grant, considering that the new projected roads would pave the way for logging companies to move into unexploited areas. The concession of the grant will be discussed at the European Development Fund Committee in mid June. NGOs are inviting individuals and organizations in that continent to protest to their respective governments, and to request that the details of the road projects are discussed publicly, that full environmental impact assessments are made before the grant is approved, and that Cameroonese authorities exert effective control of poaching and illegal logging. Sources: Rettet den Regenwald e. V.( regenwald@umwelt.ecolink.org ) and The Rainforest Foundation UK ( rainforestuk@gn.apc.org )
Privatizing plantations in South Africa The South African government announced last March that the state-owned timber plantations company SAFCOL, would be privatized. The company owns 332,000 hectares of commercial tree plantations and other assets valued at between 1 and 1.5 billion Rand (some160-250 million US dollars). Although a number of social concerns are said to be part of the move (job creation, human resources development, promoting greater diversity of ownership and developing downstream activities), the fact is that the true beneficiaries will be the large national and transnational corporations. One of those is MONDI, which is one of the biggest and most powerful corporations operating in the pulp and paper sector in South Africa. Its plantations have expanded with no consideration to environmental impacts on soils, grasslands, wetlands and streams, menacing water supply. Even public land including road reserves and commonage was used to establish tree monocultures. The environmental and health impacts associated with its pulp mills have also caused concern and resistance by affected communities. The company has adopted an aggressive policy of expansion. In May 1996 Mondi became one of Aracruz Celulose's three major shareholders. It has also acquired mills in Europe and other northern countries. Now Mondi is moving to take advantage of the privatisation of SAFCOL to further concentrate on its pulp and paper operations. The idea is to sell some of its timber plantations and sawmills in Mpumalanga, linking the sale to SAFCOL's and thereby obtaining a better price for the sale. SAFCOL's 120,000 hectares of plantations in Mpumalanga can be combined with its own 143,000 hectares of plantations in Mpumalanga and Swaziland. The combined 263,000 hectares of plantations are composed of 195,000 hectares of softwood plantations and 68,000 hectares of hardwood plantations. Many SAFCOL and MONDI plantations in these areas are adjacent and can therefore be transformed into management units in order to "enable the production of high-quality products at sufficiently low cost for international markets". MONDI would thus reduce its participation in the sawmilling sector, which has been facing difficult times recently, with falling demand for sawn timber and higher sawlog prices and concentrate on its core business (pulp, paper and packaging). Mondi owns 460,000 more hectares of plantations in South Africa, which it would retain to supply its pulp and paper operations, while it could also bid for other SAFCOL plantations composed of the adequate species and in the right locations to feed its pulpmills. However, MONDI is not the only company interested in the sale. The other big local player in the South African plantation and pulp industry -SAPPI- is also among the 16 companies short-listed for the bid. Stand-alone international firms on the list are the Swedish defence and car group Saab, Indonesia's Barito Pacific Timber and Saudi Arabia's Tarik Al-Zahid Group. Two other foreign companies, which have entered consortia with local entities, also appear on the short list. These are the Londoloza Eco-African Forest Holdings consortium, made up of Italy's Gruppo Mauro Saviola, Magnaboard Holdings and Formalchem Holdings; and Madiba Forestry Consortium, which includes the York Timber Organisation, Portugal's Sonae Industria and empowerment group Madiba Mills. Bidders can bid for the asset as a whole, for any one of seven packages that have been identified, or for any combination of packages. The underlying land will not be sold. Instead the assets will be offered on a long-term lease. Bidders will be asked to make an up-front payment as well as an annual rental payment reflecting the value of the land. Lease conditions will include -according to government officials- obligations regarding environmental management and the needs of local communities. Some forestry workers are to be transferred to the new owners' businesses, with the number reflecting the industry average a hectare. The wage rate will be the same as that paid by SAFCOL. If the above is seen within the context of the negative environmental and social record of both the private and public forestry companies in South Africa, the conclusion is that local communities, forestry workers and environmentalists will need to make their voices heard if they wish to improve the prevailing conditions. What's clear is that the main beneficiaries of this privatization will be the large private companies. Sources: Robyn Chalmers, Business Day 5/3/99 "Safcol details privatisation" 3/5/99; "Mondi factoring Safcol into its plans", 6/5/99 "Short list made up for forestry sale"; Wally Menne, Timber Watch Coalition, June 1998.
South Africa: "Around me, despite good rains, countless fountains are drying up" The expansion of monoculture tree plantations in the temperate region of the globe is provoking concern due to its negative effects on grasslands that are essential for the world's food production and biodiversity conservation. The shortage of water is one the most important negative effects of this development in temperate countries and South Africa is a good (bad) example. A meeting will be held on Friday 25 June at the Nelspruit Botanical Garden, Mpumalanga, to address the current situation of water supply in that country. Delegates from various organizations will talk about the impact of tree monoculture plantations, the state of Mpumalanga's rivers, possible alternative agriculture for the region -as hemp and herbs-, sustainable agriculture, biodiversity in the area and the effect of pollutants on rainfall. The aim of the meeting, organized by SAWAC (Southern African Water Crisis) is to create informed awareness around the looming water crisis and to establish real contact between relevant stakeholders. It is the intention, to determine the extent of the problem, and to look for possible solutions. AGENDA (preliminary) - Mr.Dirk Versfeld, CSIR: The plantation model, effects upon natural and social environment. - Mr. Morne Lizamore, Dept. Water and Forestry: Stating the facts. The current situation officially. - Mr. Shaun McCartney, Mondi: The company, the natural, social environment, the future. - Mr.Gerrit Marais, SAFCOL, The company, the environment and the future. - Ms Felicity Weir, SAFCOL: Plantations, the environment, the water. - Mr. Donald Strydom, Swadini Reptile Park: Plantations and the environment, reptiles. - Mr. Johann Engelbrecht Lydenburg, Fish Research Institute: Plantations and the environment. Aquatic life. - Mr. Karel de Wet, Dept. Nature Conservation: Distribution of mammals in Mpumalanga. - Mr. John McAllistar, Dept. Nature Conservation: Distribution of birds in relation to mono-culture tree plantations. - Ms. Rosemary du Preez, Agricultural Research Council: Herbs/Medicinal plants. Value and conservation. Large scale potential. - Mr. Tony Poulter, Working for Water: Working for water... Is it working ? - Mr. Mark Schoeman, Water Research Council: Pollution and rainfall, The WWW and the possibilities to continue this forum on-line. - Mr. Davin, Earth Life Africa: Plantations are not forests! - Mr Anton Lindstrom, Dept. Nature Conservation: Wetland conservation People interested or wanting to attend or to receive further information, please contact Philip Owen, e-mail: owen@soft.co.za A text transcript of the meeting will be published on the internet. Source: Philip Owen, 24/5/99.
ASIA Peoples' demonstrations in Thailand After the seizure of the Pak Mun Dam in Ubon Ratchathani Province that occured on March 23th to the hands of five thousand people from eight different groups affected by existing or planned dams, false charges have been made against the demonstrators. The Government has alleged that opposition parties are supporting the demonstration, with the ultimate aim of bringing the government down. While local officials state that they don't have the ability to address the problems, the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT), which administrates the dam, has requested that the demonstrators be arrested for unauthorized access to the dam site. Because of these reactions, the Assembly of the Poor (AOP) has thus far refused to negotiate with either the government or EGAT. We are including below a statement of the demonstrators explaining their arguments and rejecting the government's accusations. Another major issue in Thailand nowadays is the demonstration of the Northern Farmer Network (NFN), the Assembly of Tribal Ethnic Minorities (ATEM) and the Assembly of the Poor (AOP) in Chiang Mai, that started on April 25th. There were registered 40,000 lowlanders and highlanders who participated in the demonstration. One of the demands made by NFN, ATEM and AOP is that the four forest laws and regulations as well as forest-related cabinet resolutions must be changed or revised in accordance with the new Constitution which recognizes the right to participate in resource management and protection and community rights in conserving and managing culture and environment. Besides the legal reform, NFN, ATEM and AOP also demand the government to reconsider the draft "Community Forest Act" which does not allow community forest in the protected forest area. Afters several days of negotiations not only no concrete solutions were reached, but also the authorities took intimidatory and violent actions against the demonstrators, who on the contrary had been acting in a completely peaceful way. See below Joint Declaration Number Two. "The statement of Assembly of the Poor (AOP). Demonstration Pak Mun Dam site in Ubon Ratchathani Province -Why do we have to demonstrate? Because our livelihoods and communities have been destroyed by the failed development policies of the government, we, Assembly of the Poor (AOP), can no longer survive in our land. A good example of this is Pak Mun dam, which has blocked fish migrations from the Mekong River. The resulting decline in fish catches has had serious consequences for the people of this area. The government not only ignores the impacts that it has caused, but continues to make more problems for the affected people. For example, this government cancelled the compensation approved by the Cabinet of Banhan and Gen. Chawaliti's Government for villagers affected by the completed dam. -Why have we not demonstrated before? Actually, the AOP, environmentalists and academics have protested against the Pak Mun Dam Project by urging the government to at least establish a committee to review and assess costs and benefits, economic impact and changes to the ecology of the Mun River system, but the government refused to do so. It is clear that there are many negative impacts existing, such as extinction of some fish, declines in fish catches and the spread of schistosomiasis. These impacts are the main causes that livelihoods of people along the Mun River have been ruined after the dam was completed in 1994. The AOP has given the government more than enough time to initiate measures of resolution, but it still ignores the necessity of applying adequate resources to the problems of these poor. -Are the demonstrators actually the affected people in this case? It is stated by the AOP that the demonstrators have been shown to be the same affected people by two clear and transparent verification measures. Firstly, the established demonstrators will verify the participants before accompanying the demonstration. Secondly, the demonstrators will again be verified by the formal resolution committees who would be established by the government after negotiation with demonstrators. -Since we have received some compensation to date, some may wonder if we are now merely trying to get as much as we can. The poor have been calling for justice over and over without any sincere resolution from the government. The mitigation and compensation given by the government to affected people during dam construction has been grossly inadequate, especially when compared to the negative impacts that have resulted. This so-called development effort has resulted in more sacrifices and costs than benefits for these people. -Where do the demonstrators get financial support from? The AOP holds demonstrations with internal funds. External funding comes from donations by demonstrators, as well as selling our products such as souvenirs, sweets, handicrafts, organic vegetables, etc. Another form of financial support is the simple and economically efficient lifestyle of the group members. We help each other by bringing in food staples such as rice, and by cooperative collection of renewable food resources such as frogs, mushrooms, insects, wild vegetables, etc. The AOP does not have any economic affiliations with political parties or foreign agencies. All transactions are transparent and easily viewed by the public. -Are there any party hidden political agendas behind demonstration of the AOP? The AOP has been urging every branch and government to resolve non violently the problems of all poor people who have sacrificed themselves for this so-called development. We have been calling for sustainable resolution from every government not specific to any government party; therefore, our demonstrations have no hidden political agenda. (Written by Assembly of the Poor. Translated from the Thai by Teerapong Pomun)" "Joint Declaration Number Two. The problems of the poor must be resolved by the government. We, the Assembly of the Poor, the Assembly of People of the Mun river, the Assembly of the Northern Community Forest, the Northern Farmer Network and the Assembly of the Hill Tribes of Thailand, have been demonstrating in order to demand that the government resolve the problems that have been caused by their traditional top-down style of development. Even though we have been demonstrating for almost two months, there seems to be no representative from the government willing to negotiate with the demonstrators. In a few cases, negotiations have been initiated, but there has been no attempts at sincere resolutions. The following are some examples of this trend. The demonstration in Ubon Ratchathani province.- Even though thousands of people were affected by the four completed dams, the two planned dams, the land and forest management policy as well as the Dan Chong Mek Thai-Laos border Development Project; as indicated by their demonstrations from March 23 to the present, there has not been any representative from the government appearing to negotiate. The demonstration in Si Sa Ket province.- Since April 20, 1999, 2300 village families affected by Rasi Salai dam and Hua-na dams' construction have been demonstrating at the Rasi Salai dam site. Again, no representatives from the government have appeared to negotiate. The demonstration in Sakonnakorn province.- Thousands of villagers affected by the land and forest management policy of the government have been demonstrating since early April, without any response from government representatives. The demonstration in Chiangmai province.- Thousands of families of villagers affected by forest management policies, Mekok dam construction, the public land issue and the government's lack of recognition of their citizenship have been demonstrating since April 25, 1998. The demonstrators had negotiated with a representative from the government on May 9, 1999, the representative then said those agreements would be taken to the meeting of the cabinet on May 11, 1999. However, there is nothing guaranteed that these agreements will be taken to the meeting of the cabinet due to the fact that there is now an official group which has formed and convinced some villagers to protest against taking the agreement to the meeting of the cabinet. Moreover; there are some politicians and some groups of officers who have put a negative twist on the demonstrations. They have alleged that the demonstrators are paid to demonstrate, with the ultimate aim of ending the government currently in power. Another method they have used is to threaten the families of the representatives who join the demonstrations. For example, national park officers threatened villagers in Kwang Pao village, Jom Thong district, Chiang Mai province on May 9. We jointly declare that our demonstrations in Ubon Ratchathani, Sri sa gate, Chiang Mai and Sakonnakorn provinces, in the name of the Assembly of the Poor, the Assembly of the People of the Mun River, the Assembly of Northern Community Forest, the Northern Farmer Network and the Assembly of the Hill Tribe of Thailand have no hidden political agenda, but in fact aim to get the sincere resolutions from the government. We declare that we have to demonstrate because the government always refuses to put an effort towards resolving our problems. We have been making this request to the last five governments in power. We see their accusations of political agendas on our part as an attempt to put a negative twist on our demonstrations, and thereby avoid the responsibility of negotiations. We see it is urgent that: a. The government must send powerful representatives to negotiate resolutions for problems of the poor who have been demonstrating at the Pak Mun dam site, Ubon Ratchathani province, Rasisalai, Si Sa Ket province, and in Sakonnakorn province. b. The government must take the agreements that were negotiated in Chiang Mai on May 9 to the meeting of the cabinet on May 11 to be considered without condition. c. The government and its officers must halt putting a negative twist on our demonstrations as well as all forms of violence and intimidation against us." Declared at Chiang Mai City Hall. May 10, 1999 Assembly of the Poor Sources: Aviva Imhof, South-East Asia Campaigner International Rivers Network, e-mail: aviva@irn.org , 29/4/99; 25/5/1999; Dr.Chayan Vaddhanaphut, Ethnic Studies Network (Ethnet), e-mail : ethnet@chmai.loxinfo.co.th , 1/6/1999.
Indonesian Indigenous Peoples question new forestry law As part of the 'reform movement' since President Suharto was ousted last May, the interim Indonesian government has introduced several important pieces of new legislation on natural resources exploitation. One of these is a controversial new Forestry Law. One of the major problems has been that there are two drafting committees working on this legislation both sanctioned by the Indonesian Minister for Forestry and Plantations, Muslimin Nasution: the Department of Forestry's internal committee and the Forestry and Plantations Reform Committee (KRKP), comprising academics and a few NGOs as well as representatives of the government and forestry industry. Neither committee included representatives of indigenous peoples groups. The Government Draft has now been submitted to the Indonesian parliament, but we have received unofficial reports that approval will not be given before the elections (June 7th). The Yogya-based Community-based Forest Management Communic ation Forum also consists of academics, NGOs, government officials and commercial foresters. It functions more as a pressure group or 'think tank' and has had consultations with the Minister of Forestry and Plantations over the nature and content of new legislation. The term 'customary land/forest' is a translation of the Indonesian term 'hutan/wilayah adat' - the 'tribal lands' which have been passed on through generations of indigenous peoples and are traditionally managed according to indigenous cultural practices and regulations STATEMENT BY THE ALLIANCE OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF THE ARCHIPELAGO (AMAN) Jakarta, 25th May1999 (translation from original in Bahasa Indonesia) "We will not acknowledge the State, if the State does not acknowledge us!" (extract from decision taken at the Indigenous Peoples' Congress, Jakarta, March 1999) "We indigenous peoples are the sector of society which has suffered most from the Indonesian government's development of forestry for over 30 years. Through various pieces of forestry legislation based on the 1967 Basic Forestry Law, the government has unilaterally seized control of tens of millions of hectares of customary forest lands which have been handed down from generation to generation, owned, controlled and managed by tens of millions of Indonesia's indigenous peoples. It changed the status of these forests from customary lands (hutan adat) to State forests without any discussion with or consent from the relevant indigenous communities. Through corruption, collusion and nepotism, some of this 'State forest' was divided up to be logged by private timber companies, converted to plantations and industrial timber estates or cleared by mining companies. This centralised, exploitative pattern of development makes indigenous people its victims. For these reasons -and in keeping with the mandate given by the Congress of Indigenous Peoples of the Archipelago in Jakarta in March 1999- the Alliance of Indigenous Peoples considers it right and proper to observe and comment on the various policy reforms currently in progress which affect indigenous peoples throughout the country. One of these is the reform of forestry legislation in the form of the government's draft of the new Forestry Law presented to the Indonesian Parliament on April 12th 1999. We have also followed the process and outcomes of the Community Forestry Communication Forum (FKKM), which has produced an alternative draft on Forest Resources Management. We (AMAN) would like to make the following statement about these two versions of the draft legislation. · We reject the Government Draft because it does not in any way acknowledge or give legal protection to indigenous peoples' rights over the forests which are part of their customary lands. In our view, this Draft has been drawn up with no consideration of the principles of justice for indigenous peoples. · We reject the processes of formulating and discussing the Government Draft which have not been accessible and have completely excluded indigenous peoples, who are the component of Indonesian society most directly concerned with forest issues. We conclude that President Habibie's transitional government is incapable of generating openness and participation in the reform of development policy. · We order the Indonesian parliament to postpone discussion of the Draft Forestry Law until after the elections and the formation of a new government. · We value and support the Community Forestry Communication Forum's initiative in drawing up an Alternative Draft Law on Forest Resource Management which promotes democracy, justice, sustainability and forest conservation. · We also demand that the Community Forestry Communication Forum ensures that its Alternative Draft will: a) get rid of the concept of State forest which the government has always used to legitimise its take-over of customary forest lands; b) limit and redefine the authority and role of the government in forest resource management so that it is not possible for the political elite and bureaucracy to use forests as a source of political power as was the case during the New Order (Suharto years) · We call on the government and parliament immediately to put on the agenda the formulation of legislation specifically intended to provide a legal basis for respecting and protecting indigenous peoples' rights over natural resources in their customary lands. · We demand that the formulation of all legislation which bears directly or indirectly on the lives of indigenous peoples must involve indigenous peoples from all parts of the country." Signed by M Basrin (AMAN Co-ordinator), Den Upa' Rombelayuk and M Nasir Datuk (AMAN Deputy Co-ordinators) Source: Liz Chidley, Down to Earth, e-mail: dtecampaign@gn.apc.org
Dayak people win lawsuit in Indonesia Most fires that destroyed vast areas of the Indonesian tropical forest in 1997 were deliberately set by plantation companies to clear land. The government itself accused several companies as responsible for the fires. The consequences of the fires reached the regional level, producing concern in the neighbouring countries. Nevertheless, the most affected were local populations whose lands were apropriated by huge national and transnational corporations, converting forest and agricultural land into pulpwood or oil palm plantations (see WRM bulletin 9) The Samihim Dayak people have won their lawsuit against seven subsidiaries of the widely diversified Salim Group over large-scale forest fires in South Kalimantan in 1997. The NGO Environmental Forum (WALHI), which helped the Dayak people in the legal process, said the Kota Baru District Court in South Kalimantan decided that the seven companies of the Group -PT Laguna Mandiri I, II, III, PT Langgeng Muara Makmur II, III, PT Paripurna Swakarsa I and PT Swadaya Andika II- were guilty of burning farming areas owned by local people. The court ordered the seven firms to pay Rp 150 million in compensation to the land owners. WALHI informed that the burning was performed by the seven companies to convert the lands into oil palm plantations. "The fires later spread to nearby forests and also engulfed farming lands belonging to the Dayak people" states the document. Some 106 people of the Samihim Dayak tribe, accompanied by several lawyers from the environmental forum, filed the lawsuit at the court in June 1998. This is the third time that plantation companies are found guilty of burning forests belonging to the local people. WALHI and 12 other NGOs also won two other lawsuits against forest concession holders over forest fires in North and South Sumatra last year. WALHI considers that the above referred companies are only a few of the 176 firms announced by the Ministry of Forestry and Plantations to have been involved in forest fires in these two provinces in 1997. The Forum also urged the government to investigate the other companies and called on the Ministry of Forestry and Plantations to evaluate further granting of licenses to forest concession holders. Source: IndoMDB@EDF , 31/5/99; "Dayak people win lawsuit against Salim Group" Jakarta Post, 1/6/99.
New book on impacts of tree plantations in Indonesia Pulp wood and oil palm plantations expansion in Indonesia has been a direct cause of forest destruction by land clearing. During the 80's the government promoted the creation of large-scale industrial pulp plantations of fast-growing species, mainly acacia, pinus and gmelina to feed the pulp and paper industry. At the beginning of this decade, as timber resources were becoming rapidly exhausted, oil palm began to be regarded by private companies and national authorities as an interesting commodity for export and plantations started to expand. Nowadays Indonesia has 2.4 million hectares (3.2 according to other sources) of oil palm and in the next few years this could reach as high as 5.5 million hectares. The Ministry of Forestry and Plantation Estates stated that the government had allocated 30 million hectares of forests to be cleared for the set up of oil palm plantations. Private companies control most of the recently planted area, and of this, four large conglomerates have about two thirds. The Indonesian government is seeking that the country becomes the major oil world exporter in the world, taking advantage of the fact that salaries and land are substantially cheaper than in Malaysia, Indonesia's principal competitor on the world market. To face the negative social and environmental impacts of this development, a group of Indonesian NGOs created the network "Sawit Watch" in July 1998 (see WRM Bulletins 14, 15, 20 and 21). 'Tree Planting in Indonesia: Trends, Impacts, and Directions', by Leslie Potter and Justin Lee from the University of Adelaide in Australia looks in detail at the expansion of oil palm and industrial timber and pulp plantations in the Indonesian provinces of West Kalimantan, Jambi, and Southeast Sulawesi, as well as issues related to smallholder tree crop production. In addition to contributing to forest conversion, the authors note that oil palm and timber plantations may have more negative consequences for local communities than previous logging operations. To some extent, communities had managed to co-exist with logging operations but the plantations consume vast areas of land and may displace their traditional activities entirely. Even if the government and the companies have attempted to involve some smallholders in oil palm production, the results have not been the expected. Recent efforts have been even less favourable for local villagers than previous smallholder palm oil initiatives supported by the World Bank. Under current arrangements, some villagers may succeed in improving their incomes but they lose a large portion of their land and become indebted in the process and the long-term outlook remains uncertain. You can obtain an electronic copy of Potter and Lee's paper from the CIFOR website, http://www.cgiar.org/cifor To request a printed copy write to: cifor@cgiar.org , including your mailing address. Lesley Potter is to be reached at lesley.potter@adelaide.edu.au Sources: David Kaimowitz, 20/4/99; e-mail: D.KAIMOWITZ@cgiar.org ; Potter Lesly and Lee Justin, "Tree planting in Indonesia: Trends, Impacts and Directions", Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), Occasional Paper Nr. 18, December 1998, ISSN 0854-9818.
Bangladesh: support required to protect mangrove Friends of the Earth-Bangladesh is seeking international support to halt Sundarbans destruction. Sundarban is the largest mangrove in the world, situated in a land where three of Asia's mightiest rivers -the Ganges, Brahmaputra and Meghna- mingle before flowing into the Bay of Bengal (see WRM Bulletin 15). Extending at the border between India and Bangladesh, this mangrove comprises a more than 10,300 square kilometre area. The forest floor is crossed by a complex network of rivers, creeks and canals which flood twice daily as the tide rises, creating a rich habitat for the many species of fish and invertebrates that move into the forest with the tides. The whole territory of Bangladesh was divided into 23 blocks and phase by phase leased out to multinational oil companies for oil/gas exploration and extractive activities. From the very beginning of the process, environmental NGOs of Bangladesh have demanded not to lease out the environmentally sensitive areas including the Sundarban. But the government did not heed to any demand and leased out Sundarban (Block 5) to Shell Oil & Cairn Energy for oil/gas exploration. They are already going to start building infrastructures for their activities. It is remarkable that after leasing out Sundarban the Prime Minister of Bangladesh declared Sundarban as world heritage site, apparently to appease UNESCO who last year declared the forest as world heritage site. Under these circumstances Friends of the Earth-Bangladesh is having a plan of action to raise a big campaign vis-a-vis mobilising the local communities physically to protect the forest and for that is needing financial support estimated in U$S 27,000. Those interested in collaborating with this initiative can contact: Chowdhury M.F. of FoE-Bangladesh at: gbs@dhaka.agni.com or gbs@bangla.net Source: Chowdhury M.F., FoE-Bangladesh, 19/5/1999.
OCEANIA Solomon Islands: small-scale scores much better The Solomon Islands, an archipelago of Melanesia in the South Pacific Ocean, are an independent state since 1978. The country's economy is based on agriculture, fisheries and forestry. Its territory has undergone a severe process of deforestation and consequent soil erosion in exposed areas. For example, in 1995 the government ordered the logging of all trees on Pavuvu island and their residents were relocated under protest. A relevant actor behind the scenes have been the forestry industry, concentrated in a few hands -mostly foreigners- and very influent over the national timber policy. At the same time, the government has promoted unsustainable logging practices seeking the benefits derived from the taxes applied to the timber industry. A report recently released by Greenpeace and based on a research in environmental economics, has found that small-scale, environmentally friendly developments in the Marovo Lagoon area, located in the Western Province -such as fishing, carving, eco-timber and eco-tourism- are worth three times more than industrial developments, such as logging and palm oil plantations. The Marovo Lagoon is a 100 kilometer-long coral reef and island ecosystem sheltering 12 major islands and some 200 islets, and has been described as the "eighth wonder of the world". The report "Islands Adrift? Comparing Industrial and Small Scale Economic Options for Marovo Lagoon Region of the Solomon Islands" by Christopher LaFranchi -an independent resource economist- found that small-scale options were worth U$S 29 million to land owners while industrial developments were worth only U$S 8.2 million. Cash benefits from small-scale options reach U$S 11,000 per household, 4 times that of logging and palm oil plantations. The research also found that industrial developments have serious environmental and social risks to the local population. Further logging, proposed oil palm plantations, and mining could potentially have extreme environmental impacts on local marine resource use worth more than U$S 31 million. Oil palm plantation expansion is a threat to the environment and the local communities in South Asian countries as well as in Melanesia. In this case, the proposal of oil palm plantations promoted by Malaysian company Kumpulan Emas is based on incorrect soil information: claimed highly fertile, well drained and suited to oil palm, soils were in fact of poor fertility and susceptible to erosion. Furthermore, oil palm development proposal for the Marovo Lagoon area lacks an independent Environmental and Social Impact Assessment, as well as studies concerning the likely sedimentation impacts on the lagoon as a result of forest clearance and land contouring. The report also provides several recommendations concerning the management of the studied area: 1) No logging or palm oil plantations should be permitted in the Marovo lagoon area, given the identified environmental and social risks of industrial developments, and the greater economic benefits of small-scale developments 2) Sylvania Products Ltd's license over alienated land on Vangunu Island should not be renewed after its expiry in May 1999. The Western Province and Solomon Island National Government should return the alienated land to the indigenous owners, and help them complete a land-use planning process for conservation and small-scale development. This should work in conjunction with the land-use planning process carried out by the Ministry of Forests, Environment and Conservation (1995) 3) Indigenous landowners of Vangunu should visit Guadalcanal plains to review the impacts of the palm oil plantation and the Gold Ridge mining operation 4). Western Province Development Authority should help local communities establish, manage and market village-based eco-businesses such as eco-timber and eco-tourism 5) Decisions about mining in the Marovo area should be deferred until further economic research is available, and until independently audited and public environmental and social impact assessments have been carried out. These assessments must be appropriate to the scale and nature of the proposals, and available to the public 6) Donor governments and regional institutions should review their natural resource development policies for Melanesia. In particular, donor support for large-scale forest conversion to plantation developments and industrial logging should be halted. Any forestry or plantation operations should meet Forest Stewardship Council standards. A financial package aimed at reducing government dependence on industrial tax revenue should be considered 7) Governments and institutions should adopt small scale to medium scale developments as the preferred option for Melanesian communities that want to maximise employment, conserve their natural resources and sustain their cultures. "This report confirms that the Solomon Islands are rich in local resources, essential for maintaining and improving the quality of life of local villagers, and that industrial-scale options are not appropriate for Melanesia," said Greenpeace Pacific forest campaigner Grant Rosoman. According to this view Greenpeace is urging donor governments and regional institutions to review any support they may be giving to industrial-scale activities in Solomon Islands, and favour of adopting small to medium scale development options instead. The WRM International Secretariat has received a copy of the report, which is fully illustrated with photographs, maps and tables. Those interested in receiving it, please contact Grant Rosoman. Sources: Grant Rosoman, Forests Campaigner Greenpeace
Pacific,
Action for Papua New Guinea's rainforests Papua New Guinea (PNG) possesses one of the planet's largest remaining tropical rainforest biomes. At least seventy-five percent of its original forest cover is still standing, occuping vast, biologically rich tracts over 100,000 square miles in all. Nevertheless, lately the government of PNG has been taking steps to revive the dying timber industry, which favour a small group of companies, weaken forest sector governance and accelerate logging in these precious remaining forests (see WRM Bulletin 22). At least twelve new industrial logging operations are being promoted by Prime Minister Bill Skate. This means that millions of acres of rainforest -including the three largest and most biologically significant old growth rainforest tracts in PNG- will be allocated over the next few months to logging operators outside of normal forest regulations. PNG's Forestry Board has already approved a 2 million acre extension to an existing 1.5 million acre logging area held by Rimbunan Hijau, the Malaysian logging company that dominates PNG's timber industry. The extension, which lies within the largest remaining lowland rainforest in Asia, was granted non-competitively and against the wishes of resident landowners and the advice of the Forest Authority. Since Australia provides aid to PNG, the Rainforest Action Network (RAN) is asking all interested people and organizations to address Australia's Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Honorable Alexander Downer, MP, House of Representatives, Parliament House, Canberra, ACT 2600. Here's a sample letter: Honorable Alexander Downer MP, I am/We are writing to you expressing my/our concern for the fate of the irreplaceable old growth rainforests of Papua New Guinea. Such forests play a valuable role in regulating climate and contain an estimated five percent of the Earth's species, making them critical to the maintenance of regional -and global- climate and biodiversity. Recent actions taken by Papua New Guinea's government -including a reduction of the log export tax, the fast tracking of new logging operations, and failure to support log export monitoring- pose a serious and immediate threat to these forests. Until this forest crisis can be brought under control, I/We urge you to make a condition of your country's aid to Papua New Guinea an immediate moratorium on new forest management agreements and extensions of existing forest concessions. For more information and updates see http://forests.org/pngforest.html Source: Glen R. Barry < grbarry@students.wisc.edu >
SOUTH AMERICA Argentina: tree monoculture expansion supported by World Bank The Argentinian government is definitely aimed at transforming the country in an investors paradise for forestry projects, adopting the same scheme already operational in the Southern Cone of South America -Chile, Uruguay and Paraguay- based on large scale tree monocultures. This position was made clear at the COP IV on climate Change held in November 1998 in Buenos Aires. Plantations as carbon sinks under the Clean Development Mechanisms of the Kyoto Protocol are regarded as an excellent opportunity for the development of this model. Environmental impacts on grasslands, that have already been proven in other regions in which the prairie is the major ecosystem, are ignored (see WRM Bulletin 17). The new Forestry Law has increased the interest of foreign investors in undertaking forestry projects in Argentina, especially considering the tax exemptions offered and the resulting high profitabilty rates expected. Plantations are expanding especially in the Provinces of Misiones, Corrientes and Entre Rios, in the Eastern region. Significant areas are also being planted in southern Buenos Aires Province, as well as in Córdoba, Cuyo, Chaco and Patagonia, to the hands of American, New Zealand, Dutch and Chilean companies. The present rate of investments of U$S 1600 million a year is expected to increase with the new legal framework. Manuel Climent, President of the Argentinian Forestry Association (Asociación Forestal Argentina - AFOA), has recently remarked the advantages that his country offers for the develoment of the sector: abundant available areas, adequate climate and soil conditions, and short rotation periods. He added that the international conditions are favourable since by 2010 a deficit of 900 million cubic metres of roundwood is expected at the global level. According to Daniel Maradei -Executive Director of the Advisory Committee for the Forestry Development Plan- some points are still pending, among them the adaptation of provincial legal frameworks to the national law. According to its promoters, plantations do not only create wealth but are also good for the environment. That is why some entrepreneurs have got on the bandwagon of climate change issues. For example, Gustavo Kozak, representative of Forestal Andina SA, considers that plantations are a good instrument to combat the greenhouse effect. The World Bank is -as elsewhere- a major actor in this plantation initiative. Total costs for the forestry development project are estimated at about US$26.2 million, U$S 10.6 of which will be financed by a Bank loan. According to the text of the "Argentina-Forestry Development Project" (ARPA6040), initiated in 1994, "Argentina's forest plantations have clear natural advantages compared with those in many countries... (a) the fast growth rates of trees in Argentina resulting from relatively rich soils and favourable temperatures and rainfall; and (b) an abundance of land with few alternative uses." Nevertheless, according to the Bank's view, "forest plantations in earlier decades were not developed in line with the potential, principally because of unfavorable macroeconomic, trade, and other policies." But nowadays "these policies have been adjusted appropriately, and the improved economic and policy environment encourages investment." The World Bank's document mentions the Chilean case as an example to be followed: "The forestry sector in Argentina contributes just under 2 percent of GDP and had a positive trade balance of US$132.1 million in 1989. While it now contributes positively to the trade balance, this was achieved only by 1988. The contrast between the performance of the forestry sectors in Argentina and Chile could hardly be more striking. . . In comparing Argentina with Chile in particular, it becomes clear that a substantial gap exists in Argentina between the actual and potential levels of forest plantation production. . . Furthermore, much of the past growth in forest plantations in Argentina has not been efficient". Strange as it may seem, the expansion of the forestry sector seems to be related to the country's size: "While Argentina is about 3.7 times the size of Chile in area, and about 3 times its size in terms of GDP, Chile's exports of forest products, at about US$1.0 billion annually, are 4 times greater than Argentina's." The Banks considers that the "proposed project would have no adverse environmental impact". On the contrary, "the small farmer component is specifically designed to have a positive impact on the environment". These conclusions are not only groundless but totally false. The forestry plan is not aimed at small farmers but at large transnational and national companies -following the Chilean model which the Bank seems to estimate so highly. However, vast evidence exists in Chile about the negative impacts which this forestry model is having on people and the environment. Not to speak about India, Thailand, Indonesia, South Africa, Brazil and so many other countries where local people are having to defend their rights against the spread of large-scale tree plantations. The Bank's reasons for supporting plantation development in Argentina are neither social nor environmental; they are strictly macroeconomic. It would seem that the Bank needs to be reminded that its mandate is to alleviate poverty and the Chilean case shows that this model has proven to increase the wealth of the wealthy and to increase the poverty of the poor, while at the same time having strong negative impacts on the environment. Sources: CLAES, Comercio y Ambiente; http://www.worldbank.org/pics/pid/ar6040.txt
Brazil: Support for Extractive Reserve on islands of Tucuruí Dam reservoir For centuries, the inhabitants of the Amazon lived in balance with nature. The groups had small areas of land, the idea of property was unknown to them, and they were able to find everything they needed to live well. This style of life was destroyed by the arrival of the first Europeans, and ever since the exploitation of nature and its inhabitants has caused the extinction of species, loss of livelihoods and cultures, and more widespread poverty. Amongst the many ways through which this expoitatation took place, one of them was the construction of hydroelectric dams. Tucuruí Dam, the largest ever constructed in a tropical rainforest, flooded over 2,400 sq. km. of the Amazon. More than 30,000 people were expelled from their homes, including various indigenous groups. Tens of thousands of more living downstream lost their livelihood when fish stocks were depleted as a consequence of the dam. Many of these families moved to the reservoir area, occupying "islands" of the rainforest in Tucuruí Lake. Now they are trying to create an Extractive Reserve which constitutes a new form of land designation in Brazil, a legacy of Chico Mendes' work which combines environmental protection with sustainable resource management by local populations. The Tucuruí Extractive Reserve would be the first established in an environmentally devastated area, and would have as its goal instituting resource management programmes capable of prolonging the viability of dwindling fish stocks in the lake, in the process guaranteeing the health and well-being of fishing and extractivist populations in the reservoir area. The movement for the creation of an Extractive Reserve in the islands of Tucuruí Dam reservoir marks a return to the original history of the region, seeking a form of development that recognizes the value of the way of life of its people, and the preservation of natural resources. There are an estimated 1,100 islands in Tucuruí reservoir, where about 6,500 people are living. The islands were disappropriated by the Federal Government when Tucuruí Dam was built, and are considered to be an area of permanent environmental preservation. The residents live by artisanal fishing, and the collection and extraction of forest products; they have no schools, medical assistance, or even electric energy. Since 1992 the movement has fought for the creation of the Reserve, but politics has meant the proposal has moved forward slowly, with many obstacles placed in the way. Currently, all the necessary actions for the creation of the Reserve have been concluded, and the final decree authorizing the Reserve awaits the signature of the Brazilian President, Mr. Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Please take part in the campaign for the creation of the extractive reserve in Tucurui dam reservoir: Send letters, faxes, or emails to the following addresses: The Amazon and its people thank you! * PRESIDENCIA DA REPUBLICA (Brazilian President) Exmo. Sr. Fernando Henrique Cardoso * DR. JOSE' SARNEY FILHO (Environment Minister) Ministro do Meio Ambiente
Chile: Mapuche indigenous peoples' march to the capital city Mapuche Press Release. The national march for the recognition of the Mapuche Nation and its rights is advancing towards Santiago and more than one hundred Mapuche have walked 200 kms in seven days. After seven days, more than one hundred Mapuche have walked some 200 kms from Temuco, Wallmapuche -Mapuche Territory- heading towards Santiago de Chile with the aim of achieving the recognition of the basic rights and freedoms of the Mapuche People. This march includes the participation of Mapuche of all ages, including boys and girls, aged men and women. In spite of the harsh conditions, none of the demonstrators has renounced to the objective of reaching Santiago, keeping up the good spirit with the strength stemming from the strong conviction of their legitimate demands and the historical memory of the struggle of the Mapuche People. The logistic difficulties regarding shelter and food supplies for the demonstrators implies that the number of participants cannot increase and thus remains unmodified. The departure from Temuco was particularly harsh due to the intense rain which fell during the first 25 kms. As a result of the low temperatures, many participants are beginning to fall ill, which makes medical attention and the purchase of medicines urgent. Lodging during the night supposes a great deal of spirit of self-sacrifice, having to sleep in schools, churches, communal centres and other places on cement floors and to have to wash with freezing cold water. Walking on asphalt with inadequate shoes is resulting in wounds which increase the demonstrators' suffering. Until now, the march has crossed the provinces of Cautin and Malleco (9th Region) and today entered the province of Bio Bio (8th Region). The distances walked are on schedule and the date of arrival to Santiago remains as established for June 20th. The national march for the Recognition of the Mapuche Nation and its Rights is on its way receiving the sympathy of the Chilean people and demonstrations of solidarity. However, it is also possible to perceive opposition from those who support the perpetuation of the oppression of our People, which makes it necessary to be permanently on the watch and to extreme security measures. Even the Chilean police force is putting pressure on the marchers, maintaining more an attitude of surveillance and control than one of cooperation to ensure the participants' security. In sum, the harshness of the material conditions combines with the happiness and fraternity which are characterizing our demonstration. We remind everyone that this march, coordinated by the Mapuche organization Council of All the Lands, is being self-funded and we cannot but express our concern regarding the obtention of the necessary economic resources to guarantee the success of the march. In this sense, it is essential to maintain a food provision in accordance with the effort carried out, to obtain adequate footwear for the participants, medicines, fuel for the vehicle which carries the equipment and attends to emergencies and other minimal requirements. Until now, donations have been limited to food to parcially cover some of the days of the march. Such situation is risking to affect the physical integrity of the participants which continue to firmly maintain their purpose of reaching Santiago -still 500 kms away- and we therefore call for solidarity, bearing in mind that any contribution can be of assistance to improve the conditions of the march and therefore the struggle of the Mapuche People for the recognition of our political rights. The bank account number opened exclusively for this purpose is: Banco del Estado de Chile, Sucursal Temuco, núm. 62964869630 (for bureaucratic reasons it has not been possible to open the account in the name of our organization and that is the reason for having the names of Pablo Huenteleo C. and Segundo Adolfo Antilao M. as acount holders). Contributions in non perishable food products, footwear or other can be sent to the headquarters of our organization in Temuco: Lautaro, 234 o to the following addresses in Santiago: Concha y Toro, 53 ; or Chile España, 555. We reiterate that the participants in this march are Mapuche Communities involved in a process to recover their lands currently occupied by national and transnational forestry corporations, non-Mapuche individuals and the Chilean State, under the following main mobilization central themes: 1.- To reassert the right to self-determination of the Mapuche People as a collective right of peoples. 2.- The constitutional recognition as a transitory measure until full self-determination is achieved. 3.- The ratification of international instruments applicable to Indigenous Peoples, especially ILO Convention 169. 4.- The right to participation through institutional mechanisms which establish a new relationship between the Mapuche People and the Chilean State. 5.- The establishment of an Authonomous Mapuche Parliament. 6.- The restitution of lands and territory. 7.- To denounce the massive presence of transnational forestry corporations which operate under neoliberal policies which impinge the collective rights of the Mapuche People and to demand their withdrawal from the Mapuche Territory. 8.- To review the policy of judicial reform announced by the government, which does not take into account the Mapuche People's own cultural procedures. Wallmapuche, Temuco, 2 June 1999 Consejo de Todas Las Tierras. Lautaro 234, Casilla 448, Temuco, Chile. Fono Fax: ++ 56 45 23 56 97, E-Mail: aukin@entelchile.net Chile: Chicago school children frighten Boise Cascade A second grade teacher in a Chicago inner-city school says she received six or seven phone calls from an official in the Boise Cascade Corporation who wanted to know why she was teaching "bad things" about his company. The teacher, Maria Gilfillan, had been teaching her second-graders about rainforests. As a class, they talked about how they could help conserve forests. One way, they decided, was to stop using paper towels. They use the drip-dry method instead! In a Young Environmentalist's Action bulletin published by Global Response, the students learned that the Boise Cascade Corporation plans to build the world's largest chip mill in southern Chile. Ancient rainforests, with plants and animals that exist nowhere else on earth, will be logged so that Boise Cascade can make chipboard. The Chicago second-graders decided to write letters to Boise Cascade. "The letters were very polite," says Gilfillan. "The children expressed their concern about the rainforest and asked Boise Cascade to find a way to make their chipboard without destroying Chile's forests." In response to the 25 letters from Gilfillan's students, Boise Cascade's Ralph Poore made six or seven calls to Gilfillan's school, demanding to speak to the teacher. "He wanted to pull me out of class; he was very insistent," Gilfillan said. When Poore finally got Gilfillan on the line, he asked her why she was teaching "bad things" about his company and threatened to "report" her to the school's principal. Gilfillan says her inner-city second-graders are learning a lot from this experience. "It's empowering for them to know that their letters cause such a stir in a big company. They see that they can really have a big impact. It's a great thing to learn." Is she intimidated by the calls from Boise Cascade? "No, not me! Citizens have to try to get these companies to be more responsible. It's not enough to teach about the importance of rainforests. We have to do something to help protect them." Source: Global Response globresponse@igc.org
Colombia: U'wa victory at Occidental's shareholder meeting The recent murders of three activists - Ingrid Washinawatok, a member of the Menominee tribe from New York, Terence Freitas, from Oakland, and Lahe'ena'e Gay, from Hawaii- who were assisting the U'wa indigenous people to protect their land from oil drilling, illustrate the high level of violence in conflicts concerning the use of resources and territorial issues in the South American rainforests and calls into question U.S. foreign policy (see WRM Bulletin 21) The U'wa Defense Working Group, an environmental NGO based in California, is calling for an investigation into the "role of multinational oil companies in the ongoing cycle of violence in the region". On February 25, members of the Colombian rebel group Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) kidnapped U'wa leader Roberto Cobaria and the three Americans. Cobaria was immediately released but the Americans were held. In 1997 Cobaria, after meeting with Occidental Petroleum in Los Angeles was kidnapped and beaten on his return to Colombia by gunmen who tried to force him to sign a drilling agreement. With regard to this abuse Cobaria testified to Amnesty International and complained to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. FARC were responsible for the murder of the American activists, claimed as "a mistake" committed by a commander that acted on his own initiative. The USA have devoted large sums of money to "aid" Colombia in the war against drug cartels and leftist rebels. For example, last April the United States pledged the $240 million of military aid to the Colombian "peace process". But this aid includes money for more military aircraft and weapons. Human Rights Watch reported that of the 40,000 civilians killed in Colombia since 1989, the majority were victims of US-backed military groups. Violence is also used in the American territory itself. On April 28th U'wa leaders and hundreds of activists who demonstrated in memory of the three murdered Americans outside of Occidental Petroleum's headquarters in Los Angeles were rejected by the police, and 20 of them were arrested. Even facing this kind of difficulties, the environmental and human rights movement scored a significant victory on April 30th at Occidental Petroleum's shareholder meeting in Santa Monica, as 13% of Occidental Petroleum shareholders, totaling over 40,000,000 shares, voted in favour of a resolution to carry out an analysis on the risks associated with the oil project planned for U'wa people's lands in the Colombian rainforest. "In the world of shareholder activism, a thirteen percent vote is a huge victory. I don't believe Oxy can go ahead with this project without upsetting its major shareholders" said Atossa Soltani, Director of Amazon Watch. Leaders of the U'wa nation, who arrived in Los Angeles after a three-day journey from their homes high in Colombia's cloud forest, also addressed Occidental Petroleum meeting, asked shareholders to encourage the company to cancel the oil project planned for their ancestral territory. U'wa leader Berito Kuwaru'wa sang a traditional song in U'wa language describing petroleum as "the blood of the Earth." The U'wa's plea is particularly urgent as Occidental has applied for an environmental license from the Colombian government to drill its first well on the U'wa's land. What follows is an international communique from the Association of Traditional U'wa Authorities issued in Kerachikara, at the sacred U'wa's territory in April 1999: "For thousands of years the U'wa people have lived in territories known today as the Departments of Casanare, Arauca, Boyaca, Santander and North of Santander, Colombia. This gives us the right to demand that the Colombian government and multinational oil corporations fully recognize and respect our territory, as well as all resources that belong to us -all of which are recognized as ours by the National Constitution and national and international laws. The U'wa people have consistently reiterated that we will not give up our ancient rights to the interests of the state and multinational companies. In Colombia we have exhausted all existing legal channels to solve the conflict between the U'wa and Occidental Petroleum. None of our efforts in Colombia have produced the necessary measures needed to respect the rights of the U'wa people. Because the Colombian government has not recognized our rights as a distinct people, we have been obliged to reach out to the national and international community (governments, environmental and human rights organizations, and indigenous peoples -all who work for life and peace). They have, without restraint, joined our cause. The lack of recognition and violation by the Colombian government and multinational corporations (ie. Occidental) of the historical rights and heritage of the U'wa people forces us to demand the following demands: 1. We reaffirm the demand of the U'wa people for the cancellation of oil activities in our ancestral territory. 2. We express the urgent need for the recuperation of our land, to which we have a right, in order to guarantee life. The Colombian government should promise to enlarge the existing reserve and to respect our ancestral territories. 3. We reaffirm that for the U'wa, our territory, natural resources and our people are not objects to be negotiated. They should be respected according to the laws of nature. Objectives 1. Consolidate international solidarity in support of our just cause for territory, culture, and oral history. 2. Demonstrate with concrete examples the destructive processes that oil activities such as Oxy's bring to our people and our environment. 3. Demonstrate that the model of development promoted by the U'wa people is an alternative for all humanity that will guarantee the life of this planet under the principles of sustainable development. Signed by: Roberto Pérez Gutiérrez, President of the Traditional U'wa Council; Roberto Cobaría Berito Kubaruwa, Official Delegate of the Traditional U'wa Authorities; Javier Vesga Florez, Advisor to the Traditional U'wa Council." Sources: "Colombia's U'wa Indians Battling Violence, Oil Interests. Environmental group is calling for an investigation" by Jane Ayers, San Francisco Chronicle, 30/4/1999, sent by Randy Hayes rhayes@ran.org ; Atossa Soltaniasoltani@igc.apc.org , 30/4/1999.
Paraguay: network created to monitor plantations Given that both deforestation and the expansion of tree monocultures are negative processes affecting people and the environment in Paraguay, local NGOs are actively involved in the monitoring of such processes. Paraguay has the highest deforestation rate in South America (2,4 % for the period 1981-1990) and one of the highest in Latin America. Clearcut and illegal exports of precious wood -especially by foreign logging companies- are the most important causes of this state of affairs. The promotion by the State of an export oriented model based on the production of soybean and cattle raising has been another relevant destructive factor regarding forests. The conquest of political democracy in 1989 did not mean a real change to this tendency. Nevertheless, a wider space was created for the action of civil society organizations. Within that context, Paraguayan NGOs are currently addressing -together with the problem of deforestation and forest degradation- that of the expansion of large scale monoculture tree plantations. This "forestry development" model is not exclusive of Paraguay, but very similar to the one being applied in the Southern Cone of South America (Argentina, Chile, Southern Brazil and Uruguay) and having Chile as the model. However, the Paraguayan case has its own special features. Tree monoculture promotion in this country meets the demands of speculative or even fraudulent plans, associated with corruption, misinformation and fraud. At the same time, the implementation of tree monocultures is frequently linked to the destruction of native forests. According to the 1994 Law 536 for the "promotion of reforestation", subsidies of up to 75% of the plantation costs are to be paid to forestry investors, but only a maximum of 10% of the area can be planted with native species to obtain such subsidies. This norm contributes to environmental degradation, since the chances for the regeneration of degraded forest ecosystems are dramatically reduced. Nevertheless, it is to be highlighted that the potential for this regenaration is still high due to the ecological and genetic viability that present natural forests still have in Paraguay. Civil society organizations, as well as academic circles insist on the need of regenerating and conserving those ecosystems. On March 1999, Sobreviviencia/Friends of the Earth-Paraguay organized a meeting with government officials and NGO representatives that took place in Luque city. The objective of this workshop was to discuss about the issue of tree plantations, and the social and environmental impacts produced by them. The workshop was preceeded by three tours carried out by members of Sobrevivencia to the Eastern Region of Paraguay. The southeastern area has been the most affected by tree monoculture expansion. Even if there is no official information on the area occupied by these plantations and on their composition, it has been estimated that it has reached 50,000 hectares, being eucapytus the main species used. Pine and gmelina plantations were also detected. Two of the main companies involved in plantations -Forestal Paraná (subsidiary of Shell Paraguay) and PROFOR S.A.- have plans to plant 100,000 hectares in the next decade. Shell also owns vast plantations in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay. Participants in the workshop stated that the objectives of the promotion of tree monocultures in Paraguay are in agreement with the interests of industrialized countries and big transnational corporations, as has already happened with the support given to large scale agriculture. It was made clear that plantations are feasible only due to high subsidies, attended with funding provided by the multilateral development banks. For instance, Shell's plantations are subsidised with funds provided by the World Bank. The UNDP (by means of the financial programme for the sustainable management of forests), the Kyoto Protocol of the Climate Change Convention, Northern cooperation agencies (NEDA, GTZ, Helvetas, JICA), as well as electricity generation companies, have been promoters of this kind of questioned forestry development. The Workshop was not only limited to expressing criticism to the current situation, but also put forward alternatives aimed at the environmental and social reconstruction of the country. Some of the technical steps suggested were: the strict protection of the remaining native forest ecosystems, the enrichment of degraded and secondary forests, the research on the viability of these species when used in plantations and the set up of experimental mixed plantations using fast-growth native species. From the socioeconomic point of view, the workshop proposed the control by local and municipal multisectoral committees on illegal logging, a massive attack against rampant corruption at the official level, and the valuation of non-wood forest products and environmental services provided by forests. Paraguayan civil society has historically been at the forefront of the defense of native forests, opposing the "development" model imposed on the country. In this case, the workshop decided to establish a tree plantation monitoring network. It is aimed to gather and share information on plantations, their expansion and impacts, by means of a data base. This network will also explore mechanisms and put forward proposals for the conservation of the remaining native forest ecosystems, will demand the inclusion of tree plantations within the agricultural sector, fight for the benefit of local communities regarding the utilization of forest resources, and promote scientific research on native forests as well as on the propagation of native species. Even though the workshop considered that the present social, economic and political situation of instability that Paraguay is facing is not ideal for the development of activities requiring the involvement of civil society, participants agreed that this kind of innovative and participatory activities can have a positive impact to the benefit of forests, the environment and the people of Paraguay. Sources: Ibarra, Jose and Nunez, Francisco, Un estudio de caso en las Serranias del Yvytyrusu, Paraguay, Proceso causas subyacentes de la deforestacion y la degradacion de los bosques, Asuncion, octubre de 1998; "Cualquier árbol es un buen arbol?", Final report of a project of Sobrevivencia/Friends of the Earth-Paraguay, 1999.
Uruguay: citizens' network challenges official "research" on plantations Growing opposition to monoculture tree plantations has forced the forestry sector to respond to NGO claims that this type of forestry model is detrimental to the environment and that it does not benefit the country or its people. They chose to use "science" as a weapon to counteract such claims. In spite of the fact that no governmental institution has carried out research on the impacts on soils, water or biodiversity of large scale eucalyptus plantations, the forestry lobby managed to produce --through the National Institute of Agricultural Research, INIA-- a short booklet titled "Forestry development with eucalyptus: its impacts on natural resources and the environment in Uruguay." The alleged "scientific" study was produced by four researchers, three of whom work directly for plantation companies (one is even President of the Society of Forestry Producers and at the same time member of INIA's Managing Committee), while the background of the fourth is tree genetics aimed at the achievement of a faster growth rate of eucalyptus and pine trees. The findings of such "research" were obvious even before they started writing: eucalyptus have no negative impacts of importance. And that's all they did: writing. No field studies were carried out, no interviews to people who claim that negative impacts exist and not even a comprehensive review of the existing bibliography, most of which underscores the impacts of plantations. The Guayubira Group --a citizens' network opposed to large-scale tree monocultures and supporting the protection of native forests-- reacted to this publication. The group produced a detailed critique on the study, highlighting the fact that none of the conclusiones can be considered as being "scientific" and that it can only be considered as a public relations exercise to reassure an increasingly concerned public. The critique, accompanied by a letter addressed to INIA's President was widely circulated within the country (to INIA's researchers, academics, parliamentarians, government officials, journalists) to expose the unethical use of science to favour large plantation companies. The objective is also to force the government into conducting real research on the impacts of plantations and to support an ongoing campaign aimed primarily at the elimination of all the subsidies which currently promote the spread of these plantations. Note: for those of you who read Spanish, the letter and critique are available at www.wrm.org.uy/guayubira under Actividades/organismos/carta al INIA
Venezuela: resistance to Smurfit continues The communities of Morador and Tierra Buena in Venezuela's continue struggling against pulp and paper transnational Jefferson Smurfit, responsible for deforestation activities and for the set up of vast tree plantations in Portuguesa State, and questioning the authorities' attitude in relation to this conflict. The WRM has been actively supporting this struggle (see WRM Bulletins 18, 20 and 22). During May the mobilization continued. On May 11th a group of peasants of Morador and Tierra Buena symbolically occupied the headquarters of the National Agrarian Institute (Instituto Agrario Nacional - INA) to protest for the lack of response of this agency in relation to the peasants' claims for new lands and the expropriation of "La Productora" estate, currently in the hands of Smurfit. On the following day, a group of peasants of Tierra Buena blockaded highway nr. 5 to protest for the deterioration of the road connecting their village with that highway. This road is essential for the trade of their agricultural products. On May 13th about 500 peasants from Morador, Tierra Buena and nearby communities gathered in an assembly, which concluded by giving a 30-day deadline to the new national authorities to act in relation to the expropriation of "La Productora". This is seen as a decision to make the government decide if it will govern por the peasant majorities or in favour of the globalizing forestry model. Smurfit has responded by trying to improve its public image by launching a public relations press campaign in local newspapers, carrying articles which highlighted some minor donations to Tierra Buena as large sums of money dedicated to assist the local community. Such situation forced the local Neighbours' Association to call for a referendum, which took place on May 24th, the result of which was that a vast majority of voters rejected the presence of Smurfit in Tierra Buena. The fact is that the company is increasingly isolated, while the mobilization capacity of local landless peasants is increasing. As local people say, the new government -which came to power on a social justice platform- needs to decide if it will support local peasants or a large transnational. We sincerely hope it will chose the former. Source: "Acontecimientos recientes en el área de Morador-Tierra Buena". Alfredo Torres, 4/6/99.
CENTRAL AMERICA Belize: villagers defend their mangroves Placencia Lagoon in southern Belize separates the Placencia Peninsula from the southern Belize mainland. Mangroves in the Lagoon are an essential component of the Placencia Peninsula estuary system, filtering inland water, protecting the coastline and serving as home to large numbers species of the tropical wildlife. However, a proposal in course to build a two-lane causeway and a bridge across the Lagoon to connect it with the village of Independence in the mainland practically ignores environmental issues and just considers that the works will not upset the water flow of the lagoon nor threaten mangrove life. On the contrary, many Placencia Peninsula residents fear that the causeway would significantly and adversely affect the Lagoon and the coral reef nearby. The livelihood of Placencia residents highly depends on the continuing environment health of the area, both for the small commercial fishing industry that has supported the area for hundreds of years, as well as for ecotourism. Local residents think that the causeway will be approved without an adequate environmental assessment, and that, if approved, proper environmental standards will not be enforced during causeway design and construction. They have organized themselves and went to the media with an anti-causeway petition. They consider that a project to build a causeway almost two miles long, including a forty foot high bridge to let boats through, is not the kind of undertaking that can be considered useful for the community nor good for the environment. Source: Late Friday News, 35th Edition, 1/5/99.
NORTH AMERICA A destructive megaproject for Tehuantepec Isthmus in Mexico The Tehuantepec Isthmus is home to the most important humid tropical forests in a country considered one of the five most megabiodiverse countries in the world. The area is also the only natural bridge between tropical subhumid and humid forests of the Pacific and the Golf of Mexico coasts. It is also the region with the greatest availability of accessible water. The Isthmus has already been the victim of "development": nearly half a million hectares of medium and high-altitude rainforests in the Tuxtlas-Acayucan-los-Choapos zone have been totally stripped and transformed into pastures for large cattle ranches, including the Uxpanapa forest, where --with funding from the World Bank-- in less than four years (1974-1978), 200,000 hectares of high altitude forest was cut. The result has been the marginalization of large indigenous and campesino populations. Now the region is facing a much larger and destructive megaproject. Among many other activities, this megaproject includes the construction of a four-lane highway and two-way railroad system for a bullet train that will transport merchandise in containers; a proposed strip of "maquiladoras"; extraction of raw materials (precious woods and mineral resources), substitution of forests and traditional agriculture by monospecific plantations characteristic of agro-industry and agro-exporting, such as eucalyptus and sorghum, etc. The expected consequences of the Megaproject are: high concentration of benefits favouring transnational capital, grave risks related to national sovereignty, an increase in social degradation in the municipalities and communities affected by the environmental destruction resulting from the megaproject. Note: the above is a short summary of the detailed article written by Miguel Angel Garcia, General Coordinator of the NGO Maderas Pueblo del Sureste "The Megaproject of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec: globalization and social and environmental deterioration". Those interested in the complete text, please visit our web site ( http://www.wrm.org.uy/english/tropical_forests/country.html#Mexico ), or request an electronic copy from the WRM International Secretariat.
Mexico: opposition to deforestation in Chihuahua The community of Ejido Pino Gordo, in the State of Chihuahua, formed by Tarahuamaras (or Raramuris, as they call themselves) indigenous peoples, is struggling against illegal logging that is destroying the 200-year old forests that surround their village in the Sierra Madre, about 850 miles northwest of Mexico City. Members of the community expressed their demands to the State authorities in Chihuahua. "We don't want our forests felled" said Francisco Ramos, a Raramuri-speaking Indian leader. "We didn't plant the trees; God did, to collect water from the rain and give homes to the animals. The trees are not our property. We're just taking care of them", he added. Pino Gordo lies next to another village called Coloradas de los Chavez, inhabited by Spanish-speaking people. Forestry laws passed in recent years encourage ejido communities -traditionally associated with the conservation of woodlands- to divide forests into plots and to sign timber-harvesting deals with companies. So last year the federal government issued a permit allowing this community to sign contracts with a logging consortium, even if such forests are the habitat of endangered fauna species. Additionally, the loggers invaded Pino Gordo's community territory and felled trees there. The logging enterprise in the area involves a regional contractor based in Parral and a strong statewide cartel which influences state and federal agencies. Opposition from the Raramuris resulted in them receiving death threats. In April 1999 they staged a protest in front of the government's offices in the capital city of the State, but their complaint to the authorities did not get any serious response. An official of the Ministry of the Environment said that if Mexico were to restrict the cutting of forests for environmental reasons, they would risk being in the same situation of the USA, where most forest lands are now off limits to logging. This would not be realistic, since Mexico is not a developed country and needs "greater flexiblity" in the management of its forests. Such point of view justifies the destruction of forests in the name of "development", and also ignores that this kind of exploitation does not result in the peoples' benefit but in that of a few companies. Environmental and social sustainability sound as odd words to this approach. The case of Pino Gordo reveals a long history of attempts to deprive the community of their lands and forests, which involve several official institutions, as well as the neighbouring non-indigenous community led by mestizos, and a regional logging cartel. Environmental authorities have refused to acknowledge Raramuris' claims of illegal logging within ejido (communitary) lands since December 1998. Agrarian agencies have refused to rule on the Raramuris' protests, although they recognize a fraudulent ejido registry submitted in 1995 by Raul Aguirre, a local leader backed by logging interests. As a response to the Raramuris' peaceful protest in April 1999 for the recognition of their agrarian rights and an immediate halt to logging in the disputed territory, the government temporarily halted logging in their lands, but the logging permit was not revoked. Other actions such as incompetent investigation of environmental damage claims filed in August 1998 and secrecy on logging permits made to Coloradas de los Chavez were also denounced. Source: Alejandro Villamar, e-mail: comcome2@info.cddhcu.gob.mx , 11/5/99.
GENERAL Andrew Gray, lost in air crash in Vanuatu Andrew Gray, a life-long campaigner in support of the rights of Indigenous Peoples was lost in an air accident in the sea off Vanuatu on May 8th. Andrew was in the middle of a networking trip in the South Pacific linking up with Indigenous Peoples and their organisations in the region as part of IWGIA's expanding programme in support of the rights of Indigenous Peoples. Andrew, who had trained as an anthropologist at the Institute of Social Anthropology in Oxford, and had spent years living with the Harakmbut people of the Madre de Dios region in the Peruvian Amazon, was also Policy Adviser to the UK-based Forest Peoples Programme and member of the board of Anti-Slavery International. He was also vice-Chairman of the IWGIA and an affiliate of the World Rainforest Movement. His enormous contribution to the cause of Indigenous Rights and to promoting a morally engaged form of anthropology was internationally recognised and his loss leaves a huge gap in the lives of his family, friends and professional colleagues. Andrew was a close and trusted friend of Indigenous Peoples all around the world, and his balanced and insightful mastery of fact and analysis were hugely valued. A memorial service for Andrew will be held in Oxford on the 12th of June at 1.00 p.m. The memorial service will be held in St. Andrews Church, Sandford-on-Thames, Oxford. IWGIA will have a gathering in respect of Andrew, during the Working Group in UN in Geneva on the 27th of July at 1.30 p.m. in World Council of Churches. Forest Peoples Programme. Email: fppwrm@gn.apc.org
Briefing Paper: "Pulpwood plantations: a growing problem" The WRM will soon publish in hard copy this Plantations Campaign Briefing Paper in English, Spanish, Portuguese and French. In the meantime, it is available in electronic format in our web page (in English), under Plantations Campaign/Plantation Campaign Materials/Briefing Papers. Anyone wishing to receive it through email please let us |
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