Congo, Democratic Republic: Cell phones, forest destruction and death

Could anyone imagine that cell phones are tainted with the blood of 3.2 million deaths since 1998? Also, that the same thing happens with some children's video games? And that mega-technologies contribute to forest depredation and spoliation of the rich natural resources of paradoxically impoverished peoples?

In the case of these new high techs, it is Coltan that is at stake --the minerals columbium and tantalite, or Coltan for short. Tantalite is a rare, hard and dense metal, very resistant to corrosion and high temperatures and is an excellent electricity and heat conductor. It is used in the microchips of cell phone batteries to prolong duration of the charge, making this business flourish. Provisions for 2004 foresee sales of 1,000 million units. To these properties are added that its extraction does not entail heavy costs --it is obtained by digging in the mud-- and that it is easily sold, enabling the companies involved in the business to obtain juicy dividends.

Even though Coltan is extracted in Brazil, Thailand and much of it from Australia --the prime producer of Coltan on a world level-- it is in Africa where 80% of the world reserves are to be found. Within this continent, the Democratic Republic of Congo concentrates over 80% of the deposits, where 10,000 miners toil daily in the province of Kivu (eastern Congo), a territory that has been occupied since 1998 by the armies of Rwanda and Uganda. A series of companies has been set up in the zone, associated to large transnational capital, local governments and military forces (both state and "guerrilla") in a dispute over the control of the region for the extraction of Coltan and other minerals. The United Nations has not hesitated to state that this strategic mineral is funding a war that the former United States Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright called "the first African world war" (and we understand by world wars, those in which the great powers share out the world), and is one of its causes.

In August 1998, the Congolese Union for Democracy (Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie-RCD), launched a rebellion in the city of Goma, supported by the Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA). Since then, in a struggle in which, behind the myth of ethnic rivalries, are hidden the old colonial powers that continue to ransack the wealth of post-Colonial Africa, the war has been rife between two, loosely defined parties. On the one hand the RDC and the Governments of Rwanda and Uganda, supported by the United States, relying on the military bases such as that built in Rwanda by the United States company Brown & Root, a branch of Halliburton, where Rwandese forces are trained and logistic support is provided to their troops in the DRC, together with United States combat helicopters and spy satellites. The other party is made up of the Democratic Republic of Congo (led by one of Kabila's sons, after his father was assassinated by the Rwandese), Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe.

However, behind these states are the companies sharing out the zone. Various joint companies have been set up for this purpose, the most important one being SOMIGL (the Great Lakes Mining Company), a joint company set up in November 2000, involving Africom, Premeco, Cogecom and Cogear, (the latter two are Belgium companies --it should be remembered that DRC, formerly the Belgium Congo, was a Belgium colony), Masingiro GmbH (a German company) and various other companies that ceased their activities in January 2002 for various reasons (a drop in Coltan prices, difficult working conditions, suspension of Coltan imports from DRC) and are waiting for better conditions: Sogem (a Belgian company), Cabot and Kemet (U.S.) the joint United States-German company Eagles Wings Resources (now with headquarters in Rwanda), among others.

The transport companies belong to close family members of the presidents of Rwanda and Uganda. In these virtually military zones, private air companies bring in arms and take out minerals. Most of the Coltan extracted is later refined by a small number of companies in Germany, the United States, Kazakhstan and the Far East. The branch of Bayer, Starck produces 50% of powdered tantalite on a world level. Dozens of companies are linked to the traffic and elaboration of this product, with participation of the major monopolizing companies in Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and the United States. As if this were not enough, the Trade, Development and Industry Bank, created in 1996 with headquarters in the capital city of Rwanda, Kigali, acts as correspondent for the CITIBANK in the zone, and handles large amounts of money from Coltan, gold and diamond operations. Thirty-four companies import Coltan from the Congo, among these, 27 are of western origin, mainly Belgium, Dutch and German.

The Belgium air company, Sabena is one of the means of transporting the mineral from Kigali (capital city of Rwanda) to Brussels, and associated to American Airlines, announced last 15 June the suspension of the service, under strong pressure from the world campaign "No blood on my cell phone!" (or: "Pas de sang sur mon GSM"), exhorting people not to buy cell phones containing Coltan due to its repercussion on the prolongation of the civil war in the Congo. As a result of this campaign, the Belgium research institute International Peace Information Service (IPIS) produced a document in January 2002 "Supporting the War Economy in the DRC: European Companies and the Coltan Trade," which documents the leading role played by the companies in promoting the war through their cooperation with the military and exhorting that the international consideration of the Coltan trade be given priority over its local aspects.

The main zones where Coltan is extracted are located in forest zones, such as the Ituri forest (see WRM bulletin No. 67). The entry of military commandos and workers (many of them farmers who have been dispossessed of their lands and resources, seeking the promise of better income), the installation of mining camps, the construction of routes to reach and take out the coveted mineral, all this goes to conspire against the forest as a whole. Formerly fulfilling functions for the region and the neighbouring peoples, the forest, once the traditional lands of the hunting and gathering indigenous peoples, such as the Mbuti and a reserve for gorillas and okapis --a relative of the giraffe-- the habitat of elephants and monkeys, has become the scenario for war and depredation.

The African journalist, Kofi Akosah-Sarpong has even stated that "Coltan in general terms is not helping the local people. In fact, it is the curse of the Congo." He has revealed that there is evidence that this material contaminates, pointing out its connection with congenital deformations in babies in the mining zone, which are born with bandy legs.

Far from clean and innocent, these technologies, on which the concentration of capitals is based and built, have acquired through their "globalisation" their highest expression, contaminating and breaking up the web of life in its multiple and rich manifestations. In the meanwhile, over the tombs of the 2000 African children and farmers who die every day in the Congo, can we absentmindedly continue to use our cell phones?

Article based on information from: "Supporting the War Economy in the DRC: European Companies and the Coltan Trade" and "European companies and the Coltan Trade: an Update", International Peace Information Service, http://users.skynet.be/ipis/tnewpubsnl.htm ; "Basta de matanzas y saqueo en el Congo", Solidarité Europe-Afrique, Belgium, http://www2.minorisa.es/inshuti/extracto.htm ; "La fiebre del coltan: el imperialismo continúa", Ramiro de Altube, Observatorio de Conflictos, correo electrónico: obserflictos@yahoo.com.ar , http://www.nodo50.org/observatorio/coltan.htm ; "La fiebre del coltan", Ramón Lobo, El País Spain, 2/09/2001, http://www.elpais.es/suplementos/domingo/20010902/1fiebre.html; "UN report accuses Western companies of looting Congo", Chris Talbot, 26/10/2002, http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/oct2002/cong-o26.shtml ; "The Trouble With Coltan", Kofi Akosah-Sarpong, http://www.expotimes.net/issue020116/AAbusiness2.htm

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- Kenya: Canadian titanium mining challenged by new government

Tiomin Kenya Limited, a subsidiary of Tiomin Resources Inc. of Canada, began exploring the mineral sands of Kenyan coast in 1995 in search of titanium. (see WRM Bulletin Nº 38.). Stretching for 402 kilometers, the area is a unique tropical culture with ancient Arabic architecture, coral reefs, and fragile ecosystems.

Further research proved there were five titanium rich sites with 650 million tons at Mambrui and 1.2 billion tons at Sokoke. There were unknown quantities at Sabaki, Mombasa, and Kwale. The deposits were of such quantity that could be mined for 20 years at a rate of 480,000 tonnes per annum. They contain rutile, ilmenite, and zircon, the first two being sources of titanium dioxide (primarily used in the production of pigments for paints, plastics and paper), while zircon is used in the fabrication of ceramic and enamel glazing, refractories and electronic equipment.

In 2002, the previous Kanu Government granted an environmental permit to Tiomin allowing negotiations for a monumental titanium strip mining lease to begin in the Kwale district, near the country's southeast coast. The decision furthered the proposed US$120-million project, which would displace nearly 5,000 people from their homes and fields, covering approximately 2,400 hectares of land.

Opposition to the mining project has been rife among the local people, with concerns about the desecration of ancestral graves and the fate of their sacred forests, in addition to losing their homes, health, and livelihood. Kenyan scientists were also concerned about sulphur dioxide emissions, the health risk of the release of radioactive uranium and thorium in the titanium laden Kwale sands --now in their thermodynamic stable state--, about the threats to the marine life and to the coral reefs posed by the mining facility.

Now, the project is being challenged by the new National Rainbow Coalition government, which has announced that it is planning to conduct a public forum to discuss whether Tiomin Resources Inc. should be licensed to start mining the mineral in Kenya. The assistant environment minister and renowned environmentalist Professor Wangari Maathai, said that "the government is still hesitant" to license the company "as there are environmental concerns which have not been sorted out." Her ministry announced that an independent team will carry another environmental impact assessment "to assess the dangers the mining might pose to the ecosystem", since a previous environmental assessment report presented by the mining firm to the previous government had received much criticism with stakeholders dismissing it as shoddy.

A second study led by Dr. Wamicha, of Kenyatta University, warning about the level of radioactivity and presence of sulfur during the mining, had been scorned by Tiomin. The firm's vice president, Mathew Edler, then said, "Kenya lacks environmental consultants who have the necessary experience to manage the EIA [environmental impact assessment] for the Kwale project. Placing the EIA title on its cover does not make it credible," triggering an uproar from the same people now in government.

Corporations such as this are certainly very good at producing all the necessary EIAs. They can easily hire all the necessary consultants to put a stamp of approval on any of their projects. They do have the money. But they lack something far more important: the social and environmental credentials that are present in some of the present Kenyan government officials. Things appear to have changed and the mining project seems to be further away now than it was before.

Article based on information from: "Titanium Mine Threatens Communities in Kenya", Volume 4, Number 19, November 23, 1999, http://www.moles.org/ProjectUnderground/drillbits/4_19/4.html ; "Hotspots", Volume 7, Number 6, July 31, 2002, Drillbits & Tailings, http://www.moles.org/ProjectUnderground/drillbits/7_06/hotspots.html ; "Titanium Mine License Eludes Canadian Firm in Kenya", Jennifer Wanjiru, Environment News Service (ENS), "Cancel Titanium Project, Kibaki Gov't Urged", The East African Standard (Nairobi), January 2, 2003, http://allafrica.com/stories/200301020625.html

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- Liberia: "Logs of War" arrive in Italy

On March 31, in the Italian port of Ravenna, Greenpeace activists uncovered a shipment of rainforest "conflict timber", a term defined by the British-based NGO Global Witness as "the timber that has been traded at some point in the chain of custody by armed groups, be they rebel factions, regular soldiers or the civilian administration, either to perpetuate conflict or take advantage of conflict situations for personal gain".

The activists branded the logs by painting them with slogan "Logs of War" since they came from the Liberian company Maryland Wood Processing Industries (MWPI), whose President has been linked to the illegal trade of weapons according to an expert panel report of the UN Security Council. The report gave evidence of the Liberian logging industry's role in the illegal arms trafficking business which in turn fuels regional conflict in West Africa.

Additionally, a report produced by Global Witness has produced new evidence of the continuing links between the logging industry and illicit arms trade to Liberia. The report reveals that the President and chief shareholder of MWPI, Abbas Fawaz, has helped oversee the importation of weaponry into Liberia through Harper Port, which is under the management of MWPI. In 2002, Fawas brought weapons that were destined for use by Liberian-backed rebels in Cote d'Ivoire. He is a close associate of Liberian President Charles Taylor.

In April 2002 Greenpeace had confronted the Italian Timber Importer Federation about the presence of conflict timber on the Italian market. After several meetings, the Federation members agreed to stop the import of timber from companies linked with the illicit arms trade and illegal logging operations. However, timber imports from Liberia continued, as shown by this shipment.

Not only has the Italian timber industry failed to take into account the UN Security Council evidence, but also the same UN Security Council has failed to impose sanctions on the Liberian timber industry. A new discussion on UN sanctions on Liberia is scheduled on May 7th in New York.

"The Italian government said it would be in the front line against terrorism and international insecurity, but at the same time Italy is still importing timber which is fuelling the civil war in West Africa and the illegal arms trade," said Sergio Baffoni, Greenpeace forests campaigner.

This exposes that international timber trade is built on the massive demand for cheap and plentiful tropical timber in the consuming markets of the North, mainly the US, the European Union and Japan. Italy will soon lead the European political process to control illegal logging and trade, through the Forest Law Enforcement, Governance & Trade (FLEGT) agreement. Greenpeace will be calling on all European governments to end their role in the trade of illegal timber coming from ancient forest destruction or linked to armed conflicts.

However, a question remains open: is there any legal logging at all? (See WRM Bulletin Nº 53.) From a government perspective the answer is yes, but for the customary owners of the forest, all industrial logging is illegal, because if fails to recognise their rights as owners and custodians of the forest.

Article based on information from: "Italy-Greenpeace Exposes Conflict Timber Cargo Linked to Illicit Arms trade in Liberia", Greenpeace, E-mail: pcuonzo@ams.greenpeace.org or jwilliams@ams.greenpeace.org ; http://www.greenpeace.org ; "Controlling Imports of Illegal Timber: Options for Europe", FERN, E-mail: info@fern.org ; http://www.fern.org/

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- South Africa: Timber industry and not medicinal plant gatherers behind forest loss

Recently, an article on the major "threat" posed to South African indigenous forests by illegal gatherers of medicinal plants has been widely disseminated. Michael Peter, Director of Indigenous Forestry Management of the South African Department of Water Affairs and Forestry, said that "The medicinal plant trade is the single largest cause of indigenous forest degradation in South Africa".

However, Wally Menne, from the South African NGO Timberwatch Coalition, has something to say about this. He stresses that "it's time to open our eyes and face the reality that the timber industry is really the biggest culprit when it comes to damaging forests".

According to data compiled by Timberwatch, native forests are estimated to cover less than 0.25% of southern Africa's surface area, making this the smallest biome on the subcontinent. These forests, which tend to occur in belts made up of patches --such as in the Drakensberg, or in contiguous strips such as along the Southern Cape coast and the coastal dunes of Kwa Zulu/ Natal-- have suffered a substantial decrease as a result of human activities including agriculture and grazing. The pressure has increased as a result of the expansion of timber plantations and industrial crops --such as sugar cane-- into natural areas which in turn has displaced local people. Thus, the process has indirect or off-site impacts on forest, since the people tend to go further inside the forest in order to make a living.

According to Wally Menne: "Putting the blame on nameless 'commercial gatherers' is rather weak when you consider that plantation roads have provided access to forests for underpaid contract workers who are hardly likely to pass up an opportunity to make a bit of money from gathering medicinal plants. Usually they are from outside the area (often even outside the country) and are too poor to care about the consequences of their actions. The full-time 'commercial gatherers' who usually just transport the plant material, often employ people like these to do their dirty work. The contract labour system used by the likes of Mondi and SAPPI [the two largest tree plantation companies in the country] needs to be put on trial to see what the real problem is."

Article based on information from: "Illegal gatherers threatening SA forests", March 26 2003, Richard Davies, http://www.iol.co.za ; "Forests in South Africa under Threat", Timberwatch Coalition, http://www.timberwatch.org.za/forests_in_south_africa_under_threat.htm ; personal communication from Wally Menne, Timberwatch, e-mail plantnet@iafrica.com

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