Oceania and Pacific

Deforestation and Forest Degradation in the Kingdom of Tonga
Denis Wolff, Executive Director,
Tonga Community Development Trust

Summary

The Kingdom of Tonga has experienced significant deforestation and forest degradation. Two primary causes for this are identified. The first is population change; most importantly the rapid and substantial increase in population during the past century, with its associated impacts of increased/intensified land-use, and decreasing availability of land. The second is economic change; most importantly the monetarisation of Tonga's economy, with its associated impacts of increased need for disposable income, commercialisation of agriculture to meet this need, and consequent increase and intensification of land-use. The overall impact has been a decline in Tonga's tree and forest resources.

A number of contributing factors and/or obstacles are identified. These include land tenure, agricultural and forestry policy, changes in agricultural methods/practices, changes in dwelling patterns & associated urbanisation, changes in human attitudes, rapid pace of change, and contradictions between relevant sectors and applicable policy. Each of these factors is considered and its impact assessed. Following this, suggestions are made as to possible solutions that would reduce or eliminate the negative impact that these factors have on Tonga's tree/forest resources.

The conclusion reached is that, while the problem is substantial, and although some of the inter-related causes/factors/obstacles do not lend themselves to a solution, there is still scope for improvement within the remaining balance. A joint partnership of land-users and Government is called for. It is proposed that an appropriate foundation for this would be a comprehensive programme which would both promote awareness of the key issues and their impacts, and provide training in practical methods to address the identified problems.

1. Introduction

1.1 General Overview of Kingdom of Tonga

The Kingdom of Tonga is located in the central south-west portion of the Pacific Ocean, to the west of the International Dateline, and to the north of the Tropic of Capricorn. Its geographic borders are from 15E to 23E 30' south latitude, and 170E to 177E west longitude, thus encompassing a total area of nearly 400,000 square kilometers.

Within these boundaries are more than 175 islands, with a total of less than 750 square kilometres of land. The types of islands found in Tonga cover a wide range: low coral atolls, uplifted coral platforms, volcanic islands, sandy atolls, etc. Some of these islands are both uninhabited and uninhabitable. Others have no permanent settlement, but are used for agricultural purposes.

Tonga's population, according to the 1996 census, consisted of 97,446 individuals residing in 166 villages on 43 islands. 90% of the population lives on six main islands (Tongatapu, 'Eua, Vava'u Lahi, Lifuka, Foa, and Niuatoputapu). 65% of the population resides on Tongatapu, the largest island (roughly 260 square kilometres) and the location of Nuku'alofa – the capital and seat of Government.

According to archaeological data, Tonga has been inhabited for nearly 3,500 years. For its known history, it has had an ethnically homogenous population with a single language; both of which contributed to its long history as a nation. Its social structure has long been hierarchical, with three typical levels: commoners, chiefs or nobles, and a supreme authority (currently His Majesty King Taufa'ahau Tupou IV; but for much of its history, one of the many bearers of the title of Tu'i Tonga).

The climate of Tonga is sub-tropical. It has an annual temperature range of 17 - 30 degrees centigrade, with annual rainfall of approximately 2,700mm. It basically has a mild two-season climate: warm/wet, and cooler/less wet. This results in a very good environment for plant growth on those islands with a fertile soil base.

1.2 General Overview of Tonga's Forest Resources

Although it can be reasonably assumed that Tonga was at some past time completely forested, natural forest areas are presently of limited extent. Tonga's remaining natural forests are confined to small areas, typically on land with physical constraints (slope steepness, difficult access) that preclude human use. The largest portion of natural forest is found on the steep east coast of 'Eua. Other remnants are scattered throughout the Kingdom, on several relatively remote islands of difficult access (Kao, Tofua, Late), in mangrove swamps, and a few small remaining segments elsewhere in Vava'u and Tongatapu.

Examination of what remains of Tonga's natural forests indicates that a very diverse population of tree species previously existed. A useful example is the "Toloa Rainforest Reserve". Located at Tupou College (an agricultural boarding school near Fua'amotu airport), it is one of the few remaining pieces of relatively undisturbed natural forest on the island of Tongatapu. Recognising that the forest was shrinking (due both to expansion of Fua'amotu Airport, and agricultural activities of the school itself), the school approached a local non-governmental development organisation (the Tonga Community Development Trust) for assistance in preserving the area. This was accomplished by establishing a clear function and purpose of the forest, both as an educational area (used by local schools studying science and the environment), and also as an area of tourism interest. A recent survey of Toloa Rainforest documented the presence of nearly seventy-five different species of plants (canopy trees, sub-canopy trees, shrubs, herbs, ground cover, and vines), with the dominant tree species identified as tavahi (Rhus taitensis), ngatata (Elattostachys falcata), tuitui (Aleurites moluccana), te'ete'emanu (Ervatamia orientalis), mo'ota (Dysoxylum forsteri), fekika vao (Syzygium clusiaefoluim), fo'ui (Grewia crenata), manonu (Tarenna sambucina), filimoto (Xylosma orbiculatum), and ahivao (Vavaea amicorum). A complete listing is attached in Appendix 1.

The size of Tonga's total forest resources – both natural and exotic - has been estimated to vary from 2,310 hectares (5705 acres, in 1975) to 4,000 hectares (in 1985, and again in 1990). One possible explanation for the variance in estimates could be expansion of the 'Eua Forestry plantation, which was established beginning in the late 1970s as part of Tonga Government's forestry policy efforts to become self-sufficient in timber. But an equally likely explanation is uncertain and/or unreliable baseline data. As noted in Tonga's Sixth Development Plan, "a systematic inventory of Tonga's remaining natural forests is yet to be carried out".

Recent estimates indicate that over the last sixteen years, as much as 600 hectares per year of forest and tree cover have been lost due to increased/intensified agricultural production. With natural forest now confined to very small areas, the continued loss of forest and of tree cover is an area of concern, with the survival of many indigenous and culturally important species an issue of increasing importance.

2. Underlying Causes of Deforestation and Forest Degradation in the Kingdom of Tonga

2.1 Introduction

Tonga, in common with many of its Pacific island neighbours, has experienced loss of native forests. Although a number of inter-related factors are involved, a central theme which links all of these together is changes in patterns of land-use. Within this overall framework, the primary contributing factors are believed to be:

• Population changes, and its impacts;
• Economic changes, and its impacts.

These demographic and economic changes cited are interdependent and mutually reinforcing, and have combined to produce significant changes in patterns of land use. There are other inter-related factors, and all are exacerbated by the compressed timeframe within which the above has taken place. However, the above-mentioned factors are felt to be the major driving forces of deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga.

2.2 Population change

According to available archaeological information, the Kingdom of Tonga has been inhabited for approximately 3,500 years. For much of this time, Tonga's total population is estimated to have been 20,000 or less. However, in the past century, Tonga has experienced a dramatic rise in population. Current statistics report a total population of nearly 100,000 individuals – a five-fold increase in less than 100 years, with the major part of this increase occurring in the last half-century. This has had an unavoidable, inevitable and substantial impact on the terrestrial environment. Substantial population growth has placed extreme pressure on available and finite land resources, typically to the detriment of forests. Simply put, people and the forest are in competition for the same (scarce!) resource – land. Deforestation and forest degradation demonstrates that the forests are losing the battle.

* Figures Not Available

2.3 Impacts of Population Change

Population growth and associated demographic changes are believed to be primary causative factors in deforestation and degradation of forest resources in Tonga. Tonga has a finite amount of land, and a growing population. Downstream impacts of population change within Tonga include both land scarcity, and land hunger. This, coupled with the necessity for people to fulfill their own needs, has resulted in more land being used more intensively; and has contributed substantially to loss of tree and forest resources.

A reasonable assumption is that prior to arrival of humans to Tonga (over 3,500 years ago), Tonga's natural forest resources covered virtually the entire Kingdom (approximately 747 square kilometres of land). Centuries of human inhabitation have had a significant and undeniable impact on Tonga's natural forests, from a theoretical maximum of 74,700 hectares of forest, to the approximate 4,000 hectares remaining today. The logic is inescapable: as total population rises, there is a corresponding demand for land for traditional purposes (residential space, and family food production), and an associated increase in clearance of land and intensified use of land.

An unavoidable impact of increased population in a small island state is that of increasing scarcity of land resources. This is clearly reflected by comparing current and past overall population densities. Although the total land area of the entire Kingdom is estimated at approximately 747 square kilometres, only 584 square kilometres is considered to be suitable for homes and/or gardens. Thus, Tonga's population density in 1891 was slightly more than 31 persons per square kilometre (32,358m²/person); as compared to nearly 167 persons per square kilometre (5,994m²/person) at the time of the 1996 census.

Land use/availability data confirms the increasing scarcity of land resources. Best available data indicates that a substantial portion of Tonga's total available arable land is already legally registered by eligible individuals, and is (most likely) under cultivation. Census data for 1976 reported that of the estimated 146,000 acres (584 square kilometres) of land considered to be suitable for homes and/or gardens, nearly half of this (68,991 acres of land) had already been legally registered and put to use by eligible individuals. While current comparative data is not available, it is unlikely that the situation has improved. Rather, the opposite; in 1986, 25,096 individuals were legally eligible to claim/register land. The number of those without land outnumbered those with land by almost 2:1. A reasonable estimate is that between two-thirds and three-quarters of all available land is in active use, and that pressure is increasing on the remaining balance.

Increasing scarcity of useable land resources is a fact of life in Tonga, and is unlikely to change for the better in the future. Increasing population & population density is irrevocably linked to intensified use of land for human needs. In so far as Tonga's forests fit within the context of meeting human needs, there is potential for their preservation. However, examination of actual land use to date indicates that this potential is a small one.

2.4 Impacts of Economic change

Population growth, and its impacts, could and does account for a substantial portion of the deforestation and forest degradation that has taken place in Tonga. But the process has been accelerated and further exacerbated by economic change, and its impact on patterns of land-use. The most important overall economic change has been the transition of Tonga from a non-monetary economy (based primarily on subsistence agriculture), to a monetary economy (with a wider and more commercial economic base).

One hundred years ago, Tonga's economy was almost completely non-monetary, and based primarily on subsistence agriculture and fishing. Fifty years ago, the seeds of a monetary economy had already been planted and were growing. Yet even then, a large part of Tonga's economy was still primarily subsistence-based, although there were nonetheless certain (growing!) demands for cash income (for payment of poll tax, etc.). Twenty years ago, the monetary economy was firmly rooted and beginning to flower. A useful indicator of this is changes in per capita income over the last twenty years (refer Table 2). The substantial increases demonstrate that the need for cash/cash income has continued, and accelerated, to the present day. The transition from a non-monetary to a monetary economy can be considered complete.

Economic changes and the monetarisation of Tonga's economy must be seen within the overall context of the incorporation of Tonga into the global economy. As recently as fifty years ago, physical distance plus a scarcity of desirable natural resources left Tonga in relative isolation from the rest of the world. A subsistence-style, non-monetary economy was quite compatible with this type of situation. But as technology effectively made the world smaller, there was greater interaction between Tonga and the outside world, with a greater back-and-forth flow of people, ideas and products. No longer isolated and protected from the larger world and the global economy, Tonga's people, society and economy inevitably had no choice but to adapt to new and changed circumstances.

An unavoidable impact of a transition from a non-monetary, subsistence-based economy, to a monetary, cash-oriented economy, is the need for increased income generation. In Tonga, as the need for cash income increased, it is unsurprising that people turned to the traditional resources – the land and the sea – to satisfy these needs. This can be vividly seen through the changes that have taken place within the agricultural sector, which is considered to be the most important component of Tonga's economy, and society.

Agriculture is the mainstay of Tonga's economy. It comprises as much as 25% of Tonga's GDP, is the main source of livelihood for approximately two-thirds of Tonga's population, and consistently accounts for 75% or more of export earnings. The last is a particularly useful indicator of the importance of agriculture to Tonga's economy (refer Table 3).

TABLE 3

In addition to showing the importance of the agricultural sector to Tonga's economy, Table 3 also shows that the level of exports has tripled over the period in question. This indicates a growing monetary economy, with associated increased need/demand for cash income; both of which are based on agricultural use of Tonga's terrestrial resources. The dramatic increase apparent during the 1989 – 1992 period should be noted. This is attributed to the commencement of commercial farming of squash pumpkins for export to the Japanese market. It is of particular relevance because the typical method of growing squash in Tonga is through monocropping, which itself is further associated with a reduction or elimination of tree cover. On bush allotment land used for intensive monocropping, trees are often removed as a nuisance. This reflects both changes in agricultural practices (methods of farming) and changes in human attitudes (concerning the value of trees). Both of these are obstacles to resolving the issue of deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga, and will be further examined in Section 3 of this case study.

Thus, in addition to the previously mentioned changes/increases in traditional uses of land for personal dwelling space and personal food production, the transition to a monetary economy imposed additional impacts through new patterns of land-use patterns; specifically, increased and intensified use of land for income-generation through expanded production of produce for sale on the local market, and for export. Succinctly, the most urgent need of Tonga farmers as a result of the monetarisation of Tonga's economy is cash for discretionary spending and disposable income. Trees, with their long lead time to a cash return are at a dangerous disadvantage in comparison with other alternative crops that have a faster return on investment.

2.5 Summary of Section 2

The overall causes of deforestation and forest degradation can be described in terms of changes in patterns of land use. These changes can be directly linked to:

• Demographic changes: primarily increased population, the associated growing need for land for traditional purposes (dwelling space and family food production), and the resulting pressures placed on finite terrestrial resources: and
• Economic changes: primarily the transition from a subsistence economy to a monetary economy as Tonga became incorporated into the global community, the associated growing need for cash income, and the resulting pressures placed on available land resources through the commercialisation of the agricultural sector.

There is a chain of events which have led to deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga. The first link in the chain is a growing population base, with subsequent links to associated needs for more space to live on, and more space for family food production. Considering the rate at which Tonga's population has grown during the past century, these alone would have put severe pressure on Tonga's forest resources, as both people and forests compete for the same resource – available land. The situation has been further exacerbated by economic changes within Tonga. Monetarisation of the local economy, caused by increased ties with the global economy is an important link in the causal chain. Subsequent links lead to a market-oriented, commercial approach to agriculture, with increased/intensified land-use. The cumulative effect is severe pressure on Tonga's forest resources, resulting in deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga.

3. Obstacles to Addressing the Underlying Causes

3.1 Introduction:

The factors described previously provide the overall framework for deforestation and forest degradation in the Kingdom of Tonga. Within this framework, there are a number of additional factors which contribute to the problem and/or are obstacles to resolving the problem. These should be seen in the context of the institutional framework within which agriculture and forest activities take place. This framework encompasses a range of:

• Players: ranging from government to individual farmers; and
• Factors: including land tenure regulations, policy issues, purposes of land-use (residential, agricultural, forestry), human attitudes, and other cross-cutting internal/external issues and concerns.

3.2 Land Tenure, Policy & Regulations:

Under the terms of the Land Act (of 1882, but subsequently amended), every Tongan male, aged 16 years or more, is entitled to a town allotment (for dwelling) and tax (bush) allotment of approximately 8¼ acres (3.3 hectares) in size. While provisions are made for females, in actual practice the claiming of land is almost exclusively the province of male Tongans.

Land distribution is a major issue in Tonga. Increasing population has used up almost all of the available agricultural and town land. The number of landless people in Tonga is increasing. In 1976, 65% of the eligible people did not have a tax 'api. The 1986 census reported approximately 27,000 Tongan males aged 16 years or older. At that time, to fulfill only the agricultural (bush allotment) provisions of the Land Act would have required 50% more land than exists in the entire Kingdom – 90,214 hectares of land, versus 59,130 hectares of land judged suitable for dwelling or agriculture. Since that time, between 13,000 – 14,000 new males have become eligible to claim land, which probably raised the number of eligible people without a tax 'api to nearly 75%.

Clearly, a shortage of land exists, and on a massive scale. This almost precludes the opportunity (and in a land-poor country, the luxury) of setting aside land for preservation of forests. Population increase, coupled with internal migration, and scarcity of land resources, place Tonga Government in a very difficult situation. Government could put aside land, (and has, in a few cases: the 'Eua National Park and Mount Talau National Park), but this is difficult to do, given the substantial unfulfilled need for and demand for land by Tonga's people. And since virtually all of the useful agricultural land has already been allocated, there has been an unfortunate tendency to subdivide and register environmentally sensitive lands and lands with low productivity.

As for private land-holders, they could reserve portions of their own land for the forest. But typically they have other, more personally important, uses for their land. The impact is that any land which can be used, is used; with trees and forests preserved only if they are either not in the way, or are seen to have a specific value (two contributing factors further addressed in later sections). The remaining forests of Tonga are an untenable situation in this regard. Both the people of Tonga, and Tonga's forest resources, suffer.

Since land in Tonga is a scarce/finite resource, and there are more people than land available, there is competition for the resource. Those who obtain control of this resource are entitled by Tongan land tenure regulations to do whatever they want to do with the resource; which may (or may not!) include preserving and/or enhancing forest resources. As for those who don't have their own land-resource, since forests and trees are necessarily an long-term activity, and their tenure is not, there is little motivation to do anything long-term.

Type of tenure is therefore an obstacle to be considered in its relation to deforestation and forest degradation. Lack of secure tenure (including both formal/legal but short-term tenure; and informal untenured land-use) is a significant obstacle, the extent of which, although not entirely clear, is believed to be substantial. In 1986, 44% of Tonga's land had already been registered by individuals, while an additional 30% or more of available land was reported to be in use on either a lease-hold (8.4%), or unregistered basis (19.2%). As overseas migration, sometimes for extended periods of time, is not uncommon in Tonga, it is entirely likely that a portion of the registered land was also in use on an informal (untenured) basis by landless relatives. There is an increasing number of farmers without their own registered land, relying on informal use of land of local or absent relatives, or of royal or noble estate owners. A conservative estimate is that insecure tenure affects at least one-third of all land in use.

There is a valid argument linking insecure tenure with deforestation/forest degradation. Land-holders with secure tenure might have greater interest in, and reason for preserving all aspects of their land, including the forest resources. Conversely, land-users – either using land informally or through limited leasehold – have reduced interest in long-term activities, and have every interest in getting maximum return from land over shortest period of time. From this perspective, forest conservation is of lesser importance; at the extreme, trees might even be seen as a nuisance or pest. The pursuit of quick income results in disregard for sustainable resource use. This has been shown to result in loss of forest/tree resources, and loss of valuable species.

Unfortunately, although clear procedures are laid out in the land tenure regulations, the actual process of securing land is difficult. Firstly, there is a shortage of land, so the pre-condition of finding a piece of available land is itself not easy. Secondly, because there is a surplus of people who want land, a "seller's market" situation exists, with the "seller's" being those who control the land. While the Ministry of Lands, Survey and Natural Resources has the responsibility for distribution of land, in actual practice, a substantial portion of land is invested in estates which have been placed under the control of Tonga's nobles. This is one of the few remaining areas through which nobles wield traditional power, and is accordingly carefully guarded. The end result is that the permission of the noble is an absolute prerequisite to obtaining land, and can be an considerable obstacle. How difficult this is to obtain varies considerably from individual to individual. Overall, the combination of existing land shortage, plus the situation described herein, often results in a very sparing allocation of estate lands (if any are available). This adds an extra layer of difficulty to the already problematical process of securing land.

A final related aspect of Tonga land tenure is that once land is legally secured (either through registration, or lease) there are virtually no restrictions on how the land is used. If a land-holder wishes to harvest all his trees, he can – even if it impacts negatively on others. Recently, there was substantial pollution of the water supply of an entire island ('Eua), with soil muddying the water and clogging the distribution pipes. The Tonga Water Board reported that one contributing factor was that a land-holder possessing land adjacent to a stream feeding into the island water supply had cut down the forest and cleared his land for increased agricultural production. While regretting the situation, the authorities of the Tonga Water Board acknowledged that there was little that they could do to prevent a landholder from making full use of his land.

Clearly with each piece of land managed by the individual owner for the maximisation of their own personal benefit; with inequalities associated with insecure tenure of land; with infrastructural constraints on securing land; and with an overall shortage of land; land-use management (including preservation of forest resources, prevention of deforestation, environmental protection, etc.) is difficult.

3.3 Agricultural Policy

The overall policy of Tonga Government has consistently been to promote the economic development of the Kingdom. As agriculture is the dominant sector of Tonga's economy, it is unsurprising that agricultural policy has emphasised commercialisation of agriculture in general, with a specific focus on development of export markets for agricultural produce.

Government development plans circa 1975 reported that agricultural policy was to develop, intensify, and diversify agriculture; to increase exports of cash crops; to promote the agricultural development of all available land; and to utilise land unsuitable for agriculture for forestry development More recent development plans (circa 1993) re-confirm and expand on this agricultural policy, with stated objectives being to generate income through agricultural activities, allow agribusiness profitability, promote growth in private agricultural production, increase farm productivity, and diversify export markets.

Given the limited natural resources of Tonga, there were few other options. While efforts have been made to develop various small industries, agriculture remains the dominant force in Tonga's economy. It is unsurprising that a policy decision was made to maximise its income-generating potential, as this would not only benefit of the majority of Tonga's population that rely on farming for their livelihood, but also would benefit the Tongan Government through increased revenue earnings. Unfortunately, the benefits have not extended to the forest resources of Tonga.

Trees and forests have consistently been relegated to a very minor position within agricultural policy. Although the traditional Tongan farming system was essentially an agroforestry system, scant mention of trees or forests is made in the agricultural policy sections of Tonga's various development plans. While acknowledging that "there is always potential for development of tree crops", the actual practice has been "to utilise land unsuitable for agriculture for forestry development".

With the exception of passing references to lime trees, paper mulberry, and pandanus, trees and tree crops are mentioned only in relation to coconut and banana, and within the context of export of copra, coconut oil, and banana. It is interesting to note that none of these three currently play any significant role within the framework of commercial agriculture. While the world market value of coconut products has increased somewhat in the recent past, it is still far below potential income earned from other cash crops. As for banana, this is a useful example of commercial promotion of an agricultural crop that ultimately proved to be of questionable sustainability. Bananas proved to be sustainable only so long as subsidies were provided (through various banana export schemes) and a protected market existed. Once the subsidies ended, and when the New Zealand market was deregulated, exporting of bananas from Tonga came to a virtual standstill.

The consistent themes of agricultural policy have been to promote commercial agriculture, with associated increased/intensified land use. In addition, within the overall context of Government economic policy, the economics of growing trees with crops, and the associated role of trees in commercial agriculture, has not been assessed. A link exists between these policy factors and degradation of forest resources.

3.4. Forestry Policy

The Tongan Government, through the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (MAF) has been involved in forestry activities for several decades. However, it was not until the 1970's that a separate Forestry Division was created within MAF, Its initial function were to improve government sawmills, and increase local production of timber. Foreseeing an increasing demand for timber, the aim was to achieve self-sufficiency either through management of native forest, or development of commercial plantation forest through large-scale afforestation of exotic species (primarily pine, cedar, and kauri).

Since then, a primary focus of forestry policy has consistently been on timber production and plantation farming. The dominant interest of the Forestry Division has been on timber species of trees, and it has oriented its work towards harvesting of native trees and developing the exotic tree plantation 'Eua. The clear intent has been full utilisation of available timber resources, concurrent with the establishment of a commercial forest plantation (on 'Eua), to make Tonga sufficient in timber.

Given that establishing a commercial forest plantation is a long-term process, a reasonable assumption is that timber production in the early days of the Forestry Division was unavoidably accomplished through utilisation of Tonga's natural forest resources. This must be considered as a contributing factor towards the decline seen in recent years of native forest resources to non-economic levels.

It should also be noted that the plantation mode of forestry used in Tonga was basically imported from New Zealand – a long-time and major supporter of forestry activities in Tonga. While this model was clearly deemed suitable at the time, in recent years the performance of the exotic trees on the 'Eua plantation has been less than hoped for. It has been suggested that this model may no longer be appropriate for use in a land-poor country such as Tonga.

It is perhaps in recognition of past shortcomings that there have been several additions to forestry policy over the years. While the main thrust continues to be on timber production, plantation farming and commercialisation of forestry activities (involving both the public and private sector); the cumulative effect of the additions clearly demonstrate a greater interest in and concern for Tonga's trees and forests. This is further reviewed in Section 4.

3.5 Changing Agricultural Practices

The transition from subsistence agriculture to commercial agriculture has already been examined in this paper. As people needed cash income, it is unsurprising that they turned to the traditional resources, and in particular, their land. This provided the framework within which other changes in agricultural practice have taken place.

The traditional Tongan farming system was essentially an agroforestry system of bush or grass fallow, with intercropping of a variety of crops and trees (primarily, but not exclusively coconut). As described previously, this system has been placed under steadily increasing pressure from a combination of demographic and economic changes. This has resulted in a progression of changes in the traditional methods of agriculture. Customary practice involved the rotation of crops, coupled with the practice of allowing land to lie fallow for a period of years. This had an obvious benefit of maintaining soil fertility. It also facilitated the preservation (and even growth) of forest resources, as trees grew in the fallow land. This was not the primary purpose of the fallow system, but more of a beneficial side-effect. Farmer surveys report that the majority of trees were not planted, but were preserved when fallow land was cleared.

The practice of allowing land to lie fallow for a period of years is no longer followed. There is a demonstrated trend (by as much as 58% of farmers, according to one survey) towards shorter fallow periods. Intensified farming is cited as the cause. In some instances, fallow periods have been completely eliminated. In all cases, intensified use of the land has, not surprisingly, resulted in reduced soil fertility. There is furthermore increasing reliance on agricultural chemicals to counteract the negative impacts of intensified cultivation. The impact on forest resources is that there is reduced and less fertile land available for preservation/expansion of forest resources.

The practice of crop rotation is giving way to increased monocropping of cash crops. Monocropping has a dual impact on forest/tree resources. Not only does it discourage the preservation of existing forest resources (as might occur with intercropping); but it also actively discourages and eliminates any tree species within the monocropped area. Forest lands tend to be reduced and degraded; if not by land preparation methods (at worst, total clearance), then by expansion of land under active cultivation. Both reduce or completely remove the forest canopy. Natural regeneration is further hindered by repeated and intensive cultivation. Increased monocropping undeniably speeds up the rate of forest exploitation.

3.6 Changed patterns of human habitation

Tongans have undergone a change from a dispersed, to a concentrated, mode of settlement and dwelling. In pre-contact times, the people lived on their land. When Captain Cook first visited Tongatapu in 1777, he reported that the people of Tonga did not live in concentrated settlements, but instead were dispersed across the island, living on their plantation land. Establishment of centralised communities did not begin until Tonga's era of civil wars (from the late-1700s to the mid-1800s), when people began to live in or near fortified settlements. The change to a centralised pattern of settlement has continued to the present, with the majority of Tonga's people living in villages.

It is not uncommon today for people to live at a considerable distance from their plantation land. This inevitably limits their interaction with the land, especially in comparison with the total immersion of times gone by. The downstream effect of this is a separation of people from the land. There is a valid argument that the more the Tongan people have been distanced from their land, the less their environmental awareness has become. This impacts on their attitudes towards the environment as a whole, and their consideration of the value of trees in particular.

3.7 Urbanisation

Related to the issue of changes in dwelling patterns is the issue of urbanisation. While most of Tonga is still essentially rural, the initial separation of people from the land has expanded into true urbanisation. A number of urban dwellers do not farm but are nonetheless consumers of agricultural products produced by others. The capital, Nuku'alofa, is the primary example. Access to non-agricultural employment opportunities is at its highest here. This, in combination with land shortage, essentially creates a captive market for commercial farmers. In fact, it almost forces those who do have land and can farm into commercial farming, since somebody has to feed the landless urban dwellers. The result is that farmers produce more crops/food (using the land more intensively) for more people. The links between intensified land use and deforestation and forest degradation has already been made explicit.

3.8 Human attitudes

Sociologists indicate that human behaviour, attitudes and perceptions are developed over a long period of time, and can take an similarly lengthy period to adjust to change. A review of selected excerpts from Tonga's five-yearly development plans shows the rapidity of the changes that have taken place, and thus the challenges towards changing people's attitudes:

• 1981: "A major constraint to the development of a cash economy is the difficulty experienced in attempting to transform agriculture from a traditional, mainly subsistence industry into one oriented towards the market."
• 1987: "…it became apparent that Tongan farmers are more concerned to earn cash income. There is therefore a potential for accelerated transition from subsistence to commercial agriculture."

• 1991: "There are no more pure subsistence farmers."

Within the short span of ten years, an industry characterised as "mainly subsistence" makes the transition to a commercial, market-oriented industry. Within this new framework, those who rely on the land for their livelihood place a higher value of short-term income-generation through cash cropping. A survey of farmers revealed that trees are considered important (for a variety of reasons); but the farmers also felt that trees increased their workload and were in the way of tractors for ploughing, and some felt that trees were a nuisance, because they conflict with new agricultural practices. This supports the trends towards deforestation and forest degradation.

It has been earlier suggested that insecure tenure is an obstacle to addressing the issues of deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga. Short-term land-holders do not perceive any gain from the forests. This attitude/perception is a definite obstacle to combating deforestation and forest degradation. Yet even those with secure, long-term tenure often tend to take a short-term view. The substantial clearance of land for monocropping of squash pumpkins is a clear demonstration of this. One is at a loss to explain this attitude, as it seems to fall in to the category of self-defeating behaviour. Perhaps a view towards the short-term is an inherent part of the Tongan (and perhaps Polynesian) psyche. In any case, and in any circumstances, a near-exclusive focus on the short-term precludes any long-term environmental management activities, most specifically including all activities involving trees and forest resources.

3.9 Reliance on biomass resources

Notwithstanding the economic and associated technological advances that have been made, a majority of families in the Kingdom still rely heavily on biomass (fuelwood and coconut husks) for cooking. Statistics available for 1989 indicate that almost 60% of total energy consumption was biomass-derived. Considering the constraints on available land, a minimal (if any) amount is set aside by individual landholders specifically for firewood cultivation. The projected demand for fuelwood is expected to exceed the supply. The projected impact of this on trees and forest resources is inevitably negative. The continued demand for cooking fuel presents an obstacle towards reversing the trend towards deforestation and forest degradation.

3.10 Compressed timeframe

An over-riding theme is the timeframe over which the changes described herein have taken place. Socio-economic change (transition from subsistence to cash economy, commercialisation of agriculture, increased ties to the global economy) has progressed rapidly within the past century, outstripping the capabilities of people and society to keep up. This has had a variety of impacts:

• Factors that previously kept deforestation in check (land tenure laws, agricultural methods & technologies, social valuation of forest resources, individual awareness of environmental changes) have not kept pace with the rapid pace of change that Tonga has experienced.
• New methods and procedures to combat deforestation have either not been developed, or have been inadequate (perhaps due to lack of capacity to enforce environmental laws already in place).
• People, seeing opportunity, try to take advantage of it. Rapid progress of change distorts their perceptions and blinds them to long-term impacts. For example, people place higher value on a short-term monocropping of squash pumpkin than on the long-term value forest resources, and so cut down the trees. There has been a loss of traditional values, contributing to deforestation and forest degradation.

3.11 Inter-sectoral/policy contradictions

There is split responsibility/authority, as well as policy contradiction, within the relevant sectors of Tonga Government concerning trees and forest resources. This leads to confusion over who is supposed to do what. Examples of this include:

• The Forestry Division of MAF would theoretically be responsible for all forestry issues. However in actual practice, its main concern is commercial forestry and plantation forests. Native forests are definitely a lesser priority.
• The Ministry of Agriculture seems to be responsible for tree crops. However, the lion's share of its resources are devoted to other (cash) crops. This seeming discounting of tree crops has placed a higher value on non-tree crops and non-tree products, in effect discouraging tree crops.
• Establishment and administration of national parks (forest reserves) is the responsibility of the Ministry of Lands Survey and Natural Resources.
• Protection of mangrove forests (spawning grounds for marine life) falls under the auspices of the Ministry of Fisheries.

If not otherwise prevented from doing so, people are likely to exploit forest resources for personal gain. There is overlap between relevant sectors, and the resulting lack of clarity leads to just such exploitation. To date, efforts to address, resolve, and reform infrastructural constraints (legislation, land tenure, division of ministerial responsibilities, etc.) have been constrained by limits on the financial and human resources of Tonga Government. A related obstacle is the limited presence of key agencies outside of the main island, Tongatapu; the adage "out of sight, out of mind" is applicable here.

A case in point is the lack of capacity to enforce environmental laws which are already on the books. Mangroves are protected under fisheries regulations. In addition, all land within fifty metres of the high water land is Government land. This clearly includes coastal forests as well as mangrove forests. However, little is done to prevent exploitation of these areas by adjacent land-holders. One reason is lack of manpower, as the Ministry of Fisheries doesn’t have enough people to police the areas in question. There is also the issue of conflicting authority, such as who would be responsible for arresting lawbreakers. Finally, there are conflicting perspectives of ministerial roles. The Ministry of Lands has the role of registering land; whether that land contains mangrove or coastal forests is not its concern. And, of course, once land is registered, the landholder can do virtually anything with it, including exploiting or eliminating the forest resources.

3.12 Summary of Section 3

In addition to the primary causes described in Section 2, there are a variety of other factors which contribute to the problem and/or are obstacles to resolving the problem. A substantial portion of these can be categorised as policy-related factors – either directly, as part of government policy, or indirectly, as in the case of policy contradictions and unclear sectoral responsibilities or authority. A second set of factors can be categorised as land-user factors. These include changing agricultural practices, changing human attitudes, and changes in the way and degree that people use land. A final, but significant factor is the rapid speed with which all of the above has taken place; in effect outpacing the ability of all relevant players to adapt to the changes. The overall impact has been a continuation of practices leading to deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga.

4. Solutions to Underlying Causes

4.1 Introduction

Previous sections of this study have examined factors believed to be primary causes of deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga, as well as examining additional factors identified as contributing factors to deforestation and forest degradation and/or as obstacles to addressing these issues. This section will seek to review each of these factors in turn, and where feasible, suggest possible means to address and resolve the identified underlying causes. It must, however, be acknowledged in advance that not every problem has a workable solution. The challenge is to identify sufficient solutions to slow or reverse the existing trends.

4.2 Population changes

Population growth and its associated impacts – specifically, growing land scarcity due to increased use of available land for traditional purposes (such as residential purposes, and food production purposes) – has been cited as a primary causative factor in deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga. It is unlikely that any feasible solutions can be devised to address these issues.

It is self-evident that the issue of land scarcity is not one for which a solution exists. Conventional means of acquiring more land for a growing population vary, from land fill at one extreme, to conquest at the other. Neither are workable options. Interestingly, Tonga Government has made efforts to secure land overseas (most recently in Hawaii, previously, in Sarawak) for use in agricultural production. None of these efforts have borne fruit.

As regards the issue of population growth, family planning programmes and information are available, through either Tonga's Ministry of Health, or the Tonga Family Planning Association (a non-governmental organisation). There is, however, no existing policy or regulations concerning population control. People are neither encouraged nor required to take advantage of these agencies, or limit the size of their families. And it is unlikely that such policy/regulations will be devised in the foreseeable future. A different method of population control would be to encourage overseas migration; but this is dependent on external factors (such as overseas immigration requirements) and cannot be unilaterally changed by Tonga.

There is a small bit of hope on the horizon, in that the rate of Tonga's population growth appears to have leveled out. There was an apparent population increase of only 8% between the 1976 census and the 1996 census (a twenty-year gap, approximately equal to one generation); substantially less than comparative figures for previous census periods (refer Table 4).

This is, clearly, good news, as the past rates of population growth are not sustainable in consideration of Tonga's land resources, and have had a negative impact of tree/forest resources. However, this may be an issue that is only being delayed (not solved), because the lowered rate of population growth does not reflect actual total numbers of Tongan citizens. Census methods used in Tonga count only those individuals physically present in the Kingdom on the day of the census. The number of Tongan citizens who were not counted is unknown, but believed to be substantial. A typical range of estimates, taking into account all individuals with legal right of residence in Tonga, is from 20,000 to 50,000 additional persons. Certainly, some of these citizens have taken up long-term, perhaps permanent, residency overseas, with no intention of returning. But if they were to return, the additional impact on Tonga's finite land resources (and the subsequent impact of forest resources) could be enormous. It would advantageous for future development planning if the total number of Tongan citizens could be more accurately quantified. Census methods could be revised to take this into account.

Finally, it must be considered that past population growth and consequent exploitation of land resources may have resulted in a level of forest degradation that cannot be reversed without a substantial reduction in current population levels. As this is an unlikely scenario, the directly associated impacts of increased population on Tonga's forest resources are also unlikely to be resolved.

4.3 Economic changes

Economic change, and its associated impacts – monetarisation of the economy, increased personal need for disposable income, commercialisation of agriculture, intensified use of land for income generation purposes – has been cited as a primary causative factor in deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga. Not all are open to solution.

Tonga is now irrevocably linked into the global economy, and the clock cannot be turned back. There is no returning to a subsistence-based economy, and the demand for cash income will continue. Given the limited resources available to Tongans, and the existing dominance of the agricultural sector, commercial agricultural will continue to be the primary source of this income. This situation is unlikely to change.

What is potentially open to positive change are both the methods used in commercial agriculture, and the crops being commercially produced. A suitable mix of these two factors could provide the income needed through less intense, and/or reduced, land-use. Accomplishing either of these could reduce the pressure on Tonga's forest resources, and provide a channel through which deforestation and forest degradation could be lessened. This will be further considered in section 4.6/4.8.

4.4 Land Tenure Regulations

As the quantity of land in Tonga clearly cannot be increased, the best solution is to use what is available with greater care, greater effectiveness and greater efficiency. There are a variety of factors associated with ownership and use of land in Tonga, several of which could be potential factors contributing to a partial solution of the deforestation and forest degradation issue.

The most evident area requiring reform is the actual Land Law. Given that there is not sufficient land available to fulfill the provisos of the Land Law, there is a strong argument for revision and reform. Some revision of the original Act has taken place over the years. In 1958 the law was revised to allow for distribution of areas of land smaller than the specified 8¼ acres. In 1976 the law was amended to make specific provisions for leasing of town and tax allotments, but for a maximum of ten years only. In the mid-1980's, the maximum period of leasehold was extended to 25 years. Each of these revisions reflects that Government is aware of the issue, and is taking steps to address it.

However, land ownership in Tonga is such a politically, socially and culturally sensitive issue, that any steps taken are invariably slow, incremental and evolutionary (rather than revolutionary). During the 1980s, Government created a Royal Commission on Land, with the mandate to conduct hearings throughout the Kingdom, and gather information about what could be done to improve the laws and regulations pertaining to ownership and use of land. A variety of proposals for land tenure reform were put forth, including giving women equal tenure status; removing those with vested interest in retaining land from the process of distributing land; disinheriting absentee (overseas) landholders; re-introducing a land tax but only on land that was under-utilised; requiring that a landholder either put his land to good use or pass it to someone who will; and others.

While well-intentioned, many of the proposals contained within the Commission Report were challenging, and would have resulted in many changes in the status quo. This must have been an unpalatable course of action. Or so one presumes from the fact that although ten years have passed since the report was completed and duly presented to Privy Council for consideration and action, no action has taken place, and the report itself has never been released.

Most agree that further revisions are needed. Previous changes have not alleviated the problem of inefficient or inappropriate use of land. There has been uncertain impact on the widespread use of land under informal (insecure!) arrangements. It is believed that many farmers lack either the knowledge, or the financial resources, to enter into secure long-term arrangements. Additional revisions to the Land Act could further address this issue of insecure tenure, which has been linked to a short-term mentality in non-tenured people, with downstream negative impacts on trees and forests.

It is also encouraging to note that, even in the face of land scarcity, the Tongan Government has been able to reserve certain areas as parks/nature reserves. The two primary examples are the 'Eua National Park, and the Mount Talau Park. Both are clear examples of the Government doing the right thing under difficult circumstances.

4.5 Compressed timeframe

There is no readily available solution to directly address the problem of the rapid rate of progress and its associated changes. The driving forces of these changes are factors which are external to Tonga, and accordingly cannot be unilaterally affected from within Tonga. Any effort to slow down this rate of change is doomed to failure. An alternate solution is to focus on the adaptive capabilities of Tonga's people, society, and policies, in an effort to increase the speed with which these can adjust to the rapidly changing situation. In effect, if the rate of change cannot be slowed down, then the rate of adjustment to change must be speeded up. This approach is integral to possible solutions in each of the following sections.

4.6 Agricultural Policy

The focus of the Tongan Government on economic development, and the vital importance of the agricultural sector to Tonga's economy, have previously been cited. This being so, it is unlikely that there will be any radical changes. A primary interest in commercial agriculture will continue to dominate. But this need not result in continued deforestation and forest degradation. There are other, less damaging options potentially available. Considering the link between type of cash crop, type of agricultural procedures associated with that crop, and the resulting impact on land resources, one option would be to identify and promote less damaging crops. A programme of research and study is required to facilitate this.

A further solution would be the deliberate incorporation of tree crops into agriculture planning and promotion. This has been inadequately done in the past, with tree crops virtually overlooked. Given that the land users rely on MAF for guidance, they demonstrated a consequent lack of interest in tree crops specifically, and tree/forest resources in general. This can be reconciled. An initial focus could be to better assess the economics of tree crops. As these have not been clearly assessed, and in view of lack of promotion of same by the relevant sector, the reluctance of farmers to invest in them is understandable. An increased focus on tree crops and tree/forest resources by MAF can be expected to generate a corresponding increased interest on the part of the land-users.

The overall impact of such a policy direction would be to promote a more integrated agro-forestry system. This is, in part, a return to a more traditional model previously used in Tonga, which did not make fine distinctions between types of crops, but instead took a broader, more inclusive overview. Agricultural policy which would develop and promote an updated (commercialised) version of such a system could have a very positive impact on Tonga's environment in general, and forest/tree resources in particular.

It is encouraging to note that agricultural policy is already beginning to take environmental considerations into account. Policy has been enacted to ensure that the natural resource and the environment that relate to agriculture will not be harmed by agriculture production. This is definitely a step in the right direction.

4.7 Forestry Policy

Forestry policy, as reported in recent development plans, continues to focus on timber production, plantation farming and commercialisation of forestry activities (involving both the public and private sector). But additions to forestry policy do demonstrate a greater interest in and concern for Tonga's trees and forests.

Current forestry policy promotes balanced land-use, and specifically targets the conservation and management of indigenous forest areas of high natural quality as part of the national heritage. Current policy also notes that there is an urgent need to protect the forests. This is a very clear, and much welcome change in direction, as it places a value other than economic on forest resources. Equally welcome is an emphasis on private sector involvement and community participation to conserve tree/forest resources. A further demonstrator is that the Forestry Division is actively pushing for an integrated ago-forestry approach to land-use in Tonga. The potential and importance of tree crops is increasingly recognised.

There are still constraints. Lack of manpower resources to follow-up on new policy is a pressing, but as yet unaddressed, problem. In addition, the competing visions of MAF and the Forestry Division of what an integrated agro-forestry model could/should be overlap and, to some degree, conflict. The issue of which should be the lead agency regarding trees is also unresolved. Nonetheless, the new policy directions are very encouraging, and are promised to have a positive impact on solving some of the issues concerning deforestation and forest degradation.

4.8 Changing Agricultural Practices

Changes in agricultural practices which have had damaging effects on Tonga's trees and forests have been previously described. A substantial portion of Tonga's population does, and will continue to, depend on agriculture for their livelihood. Until alternative methods of income-generation become available, there is little potential for this to change. What is open to change is the methods used, and the crops produced.

There may be alternatives to conventional commercial agriculture, both in terms of crops grown, and methods used. These, however, must follow from MAF policy revisions. Risk-averse farmers are unlikely to make any radical changes unless new methods are proposed and supported by the relevant authority. The challenge, and solution, will be to identify methods through which people become aware of how damaging certain methods/crops are, and provide suitable encouragement to switch to methods/crops which are less damaging, while still providing an acceptable return on investment.

Certainly, the economics of alternative crops/methods must be investigated. Land-users will always be interested in conserving income, and thus using cheaper (but still effective) agricultural methods. Similarly, they will be interested in alternative crops which provide a suitable income. This can apply both to ground crops (an alternative to squash pumpkin for example), and to tree crops.

The need to demonstrate the economics and profitability of tree crops has been mentioned previously. This must be clearly demonstrated to Tonga's farming population. There is already fertile ground to work on in this regard. 91% of selected households surveyed in 'Eua confirmed that they collected medicinal plant materials from the forest land, with 20% reporting sales of collected materials (average annual return of T$150.00). This demonstrates both a personal and economic value associated with forest resources, and provides a good starting point to build upon.

4.9 Reliance on biomass resources

It is reasonable to assume that people will, given the available financial resources, make use of available technology and shift to alternate fuel sources (such as kerosene or liquid propane) that are cleaner, less labour intensive, and easier to use for domestic cooking purposes. This trend has already been observed and is expected to continue. Privitisation of the business supplying propane gas has been associated with increased availability of this fuel resource throughout Tonga. An active programme promoting a change in fuel sources, coupled with increased availability of both these sources and the means (stoves, etc) to use them, would have a positive impact on the current level of demand for fuelwood.

There will still remain a substantial demand for fuelwood. Traditional Tongan cooking methods (in an 'umu, or underground oven), which consume large amounts of fuelwood, are still used by many urban and rural households on a weekly basis. Many outlying rural areas continue to place a higher reliance on fuelwood (from nearby bush allotments) than on alternate (more distant) sources. A solution to this would be to encourage cash cropping of fuelwood in these areas, thus not only providing for their personal needs, but also providing a source of income. The ideal fuelwood source would be a fast-growing species capable of growing on marginal land unsuitable for agriculture (perhaps as a coastal forest barrier).

4.10 Changes in human habitation: Centralisation and Urbanisation

The majority of Tongans today live in villages. While a return to dwelling on one's bush allotment rather than town allotment could have a beneficial effect towards increasing attachment to land, this is not seen as a feasible solution given the current structure of Tongan society. It does take place on a limited basis, but a return to a dispersed mode of habitation is extremely unlikely on a large scale. Urbanisation is also well established on the Tongan landscape, and will not disappear. Indeed, given the land scarcity, even if people did wish to dwell elsewhere, there is insufficient suitable land available.

Of greater potential, and a possible solution, is to address the issue of separation from the land which arises from the above. If the argument is valid that there is reduced environmental awareness within Tonga, then an environmental awareness programme, specifically targeting the issues of deforestation and forest degradation, could provide positive benefits towards addressing the problem. This approach is believed to have valid applications, and is being put into effect. Additional information on this is contained within the section on changing attitudes.

4.11 Human attitudes

Across-cutting theme throughout this study has been the perceptions and attitudes of land-users.. With the issue of insecure tenure, there is an attitude that achieving maximum return on investment during the shortest period of time is the most desirable course of action, regardless of whether or not this is sustainable in the long-term. With the issue of monetarisation of the economy and the need for disposable income, a similar attitude is apparent, sometimes even in those with secure tenure. As regards commercialisation of agriculture, there is a perception that the economic value of trees is virtually nil, except, perhaps, as firewood. With the issue of changing agricultural practices, the attitude is that trees are a nuisance and in the way, rather than being seen as a valued asset. All of these perceptions/attitudes have a detrimental impact on tree/forest resources, and must be combated.

There are efforts already underway in this regard. The changing policies of the Tongan Government increasingly include scope for community participation. This is absolutely critical, for without the informed consent and participation of those that actually use the available land/tree/forest resources, there is little hope of achieving anything with long-term sustainability. This is a situation which cries out for development and change from the bottom-up. The needed development and change can be facilitated by top-down activities, but it cannot be mandated by Government decree. A complementary, bottom-up, people oriented approach is also required.

Changing human attitudes and perceptions provide the most fertile ground on which to base efforts to reverse the trends towards deforestation and forest degradation. As described in the section of land tenure, there is very little in the way of regulatory mechanisms governing individual land use; the land-user has absolute power over what to do with the land. If the land-user can be made to understand the value of trees/forests, he will realise that it is very much in his best interest to help preserve these resources. This could result in a behavioural change and establish land usage patterns favourable to preservation of trees/forests.

This is not an easy, simple or quick process. But it can be done, and the end results are certainly worth pursuing. Moreover, factors favourable to this process are already in play. Recent development planning noted that there was little planting activity, even though farmers agreed they could plant more trees and women felt that they needed more handicraft, fruit and medicinal trees. The identified causes of this were cited as lack of information and awareness, and lack of economic motivation. The first can definitely be addressed within a programme promoting environmental awareness. As for the latter, there is a probable link between lack of economic motivation, and lack of information of the true economic value of tree/forest resources. Thus, two key constraints hindering tree planting activities could be eliminated with a carefully designed, targeted approach focusing on education, awareness and training on key environmental issues.

Such activities are taking place in Tonga. The previously mentioned "Toloa Rainforest Reserve" (refer page 2) both demonstrates an increasing awareness of environmental issues at the grassroots level, as well as the interest and motivation to take practical, remedial action. On a different level, the Environmental Planning Unit of the Ministry of Lands, Survey and Natural Resources promotes an annual World Environment Day, with tree-planting activities. In the past, EPU/MLSNR has had limited resources to follow-up on this. However the recent commencement of an institutional strengthening programme (TEMPP: Tonga Environmental Management Planning Project) lends the potential to redress this shortcoming. TEMPP has the further objective and added benefit of increasing community participation in environmental activities.

Another promising approach currently being implemented in Tonga links grassroots communities and government ministries through non-governmental development activities. The Tonga Trust is currently implementing a nationwide social forestry programme which combines environmental awareness with tree-planting activities. This programme works in partnership with a variety of community groups (women's groups, youth groups, schools, etc.) in addition to liaising with relevant Government agencies (most specifically, the Forestry Division of MAF).

There are ongoing discussions with local communities and community leaders in the course of these activities. Surveys and workshops have confirmed that people at the grassroots level do recognise that tree/forest resources are diminishing. They particularly are aware of decreased supply of certain types of trees considered to be important for social, cultural or traditional purposes. Rural women, especially in Tongatapu, increasingly cite decreased availability of tree/plant species used for handicraft purposes.

The typical grassroots viewpoint is that tree/forest resources are valued for a variety of reasons: cultural, social, traditional, medical, etc, and provide a range of benefits. However, these benefits are predominantly intangible. This has a dual impact. Firstly, when intangible benefits are compared to tangible benefits (such as hard cash income from agricultural production), the latter is consistently given a higher priority. And secondly, it is far easier to take intangible benefits, and their source, for granted. This nonchalant attitude, when coupled with the impact of rapid change and compressed timeframe previously described, has not contributed towards protecting tree/forest resources.

Fortunately, there is a solution to this problem. It is part of human nature to act in one's own self-interests. The challenge is to make people aware that protection of tree/forest resources, and reversing the trend towards deforestation and forest degradation, is in their own best interests. And, concurrently, to make them aware of the negative impacts (on their environment and themselves) of their current actions and behaviours. Again, what is called for is a programme aimed both at increasing human and community awareness of the situation, and at providing the opportunity to take practical steps towards redressing the situation. This is the focus of Tonga Trust's social forestry activities, which combines environmental education (knowledge and awareness) with a practical opportunity to apply the lessons learned through individual, group, and community tree-planting activities.

4.12 Inter-sectoral/policy contradictions

Addressing the issues of split authority, unclear/multiple responsibilities, and policy contradictions would require elimination of ministerial constraints which prevent effective application and enforcement of policy. The scope of such institutional reform would have to be both large-scale and wide-ranging, operating at a variety of different levels, and impacting on many different relevant sectors. This is no easy task.

Still, progress is being made. As an outcome of the production and review of the Environmental Management Plan for the Kingdom of Tonga, an Interdepartmental Environment Committee (IDEC) was established. This provides a forum through which all of the relevant sectors of Government can meet to discuss environmental issues which cut across sectoral boundaries. The issues are difficult, and the process of reviewing/addressing/redressing these issues is understandably lengthy. Much remains to be done. But a mechanism does exist by which this can be accomplished, given the time, the will and the resources.

Whether those last three items will be available in sufficient quantities is uncertain. Given the present situation, time is a critical issue. If deliberations drag on for too long, the point of no return may be reached and passed (if it has not already done so) as regards deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga. As for having the will to enact the needed reform, it must be noted that the different sectors are very protective of their area of operations. While some might be amenable to expanding their scope of authority, none would be openly receptive to the opposite. The ultimate resolution of the obstacles herein may require greater flexibility than the relevant sectors are willing to provide. And finally, the availability of sufficient resources to enact whatever changes are made is uncertain. Tonga faces a chronic shortage of technical, human and financial resources; this is unlikely to change.

4.13 Summary of section 4

Previous sections have endeavoured to identify various causes of deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga, and various obstacles to resolving these problems. While it would have been unrealistic to hope for a solution to every cause, there was hope that enough solutions could be identified to begin making positive headway to solve the problem. This section has identified a number of areas where this could be done. The most important of these are felt to be those involving people (the land-users, their attitudes, their aspirations, and the way in which they use their land to achieve these), and policy (the institutional framework within which land-use takes place – government policy, land law, economic pressures, etc). There is believed to be significant opportunity to address the problem of declining tree/forest resources by working within these areas, and through an active programme promoting awareness on the key issues and their impact of the environment and people of Tonga, and providing training on practical methods which can be utilised therein.

5. Conclusions

There has been substantial deforestation and forest degradation in the Kingdom of Tonga. This has taken place within the overall context of land-use. Thus any efforts to address the problem must logically focus on the land-users.

As Tongan land tenure makes land management an individual decision, resolving the problem cannot be mandated from above; a top-down approach, by itself, will not achieve the desired objectives. However, at the same time, the land-users do not operate in isolation. They and their activities are contained with the socio-economic fabric of Tonga (and beyond). This both empowers and constrains the land-users, providing them with opportunity and guidance, while at the same time placing implicit and explicit limits which define what can, and cannot, be accomplished. Thus, resolving the problem cannot be unilaterally developed from the bottom-up. The barriers are too strong.

The best, strongest, and most appropriate model is a middle path, using an approach containing the best parts of both a top-down approach and a bottom-up approach. This would create a partnership of people and government, acting together for the benefit of all. At the core of this partnership would be mutual trust and respect – both of which must be earned. A suitable approach for establishing an environment in which this can be developed would be for all parties to come to a mutual understanding about the environmental situation in Tonga. This can be provided through a comprehensive education and training programme to promote increased environmental awareness about the key issues. Through this sharing of knowledge, viewpoints and experiences, a consensus can be reached, with a shared vision of suitable goals and objectives, and agreement over methods to achieve these. Finally, each involved party would go forth to jointly carry out their assigned roles to the best of their abilities.

This is not a new model; it is as old as the Pacific – it is the Pacific Way. It is a joining together of all, for the benefit of all, based on mutual understanding, respect and trust, and with a consensus on what needs to be done. And within the framework described in this paper, it can provide a structure by which the issues of deforestation and forest degradation in Tonga can be satisfactorily resolved.

APPENDIX 1: Toloa Rainforest Reserve
Plant Species List