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Oil and Gas
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Life in a Barrel of Oil By John Stanton. Energy and Me is part of the oil
and natural gas industry's Energy and Society Education Program to
enlighten K-8 educators and youngsters about fossil fuels. Any teacher
or student can visit the excellent API website (http://api-ec.api.org/frontpage.cfm)
and, once there, be directed to the slick Energy & Society section
which features colorful happy-go-lucky images of K-8 aged children
and a slew of user-friendly interactive options, including quiz taking,
for young and old alike. Children can enter contests and have their
parents or guardians order Billy B's CD and video, or education kits.
Energy and Me received the third-place Parent's Choice "Recommended"
Award which means it has some redeeming value to the child listener
or viewer. And guess who submitted the production to Parent's Choice
for review? API's partner Project Learning Tree. So now oil and natural gas companies
are K-8 educators with a reach that extends to American kindergartners
or any child anywhere with access to an Internet connection and a
web browser. A whole generation of children will come to learn that
it's necessary to drill on wildlife refuges and "voluntarily"
submit to greenhouse reductions rather than comply with international
accords or domestic regulations. They will also learn that, according
to API, there's another 97 years before any climate change might take
place, so why worry? Let's suck up as much as we can now and let other
generations handle the impending disaster. According to API, "The
severity of a future problem is unclear. Also, if serious climate
problems develop, they may not occur until the end of the century
or later. Finally, the costs of reducing emissions-and therefore the
impacts on the economy and consumers-vary greatly depending on when
and how green house gases reductions are made." Those K-8 youngsters will never
learn that the energy business is a filthy one in which US and European
governments--and their militaries--must and will resort to any tactic
in any country to get the oil and natural gas companies in a position
to extract and deliver product. Nor will they learn how some oil and
natural gas companies have engaged in ruthless and, allegedly, murderous
actions against host country nationals. Moreover, they will not realize
that they themselves, their parents, their communities, their economies,
their governments, and their militaries are vile addicts hooked on
the bubbling crude. Without oil and natural gas, economies would collapse
and citizens would revolt. By the year 2030, both the US and Europe
will need to import close to 70 percent of their oil and natural gas.
The US already imports close to 15 million barrels of oil per day.
All that to drive alone--unsmiling and unhappy but smelling clean--a
$40,000 four-passenger vehicle to and from work each day. Stability of supply is critical
and the only way to get it is to take over the oil producing world.
It really is that simple. And that is precisely why the US and Europe--the
latter being appalled at the thought of US dominance of the world's
oil and natural gas supply--are so keen on taking out heads of state
in Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Venezuela (in other words, reduce risk investment),
and are anxious to have countries like Crotia, Poland, Bulgaria and
Slovenia in the NATO Pipeline alliance. The US has entered Colombia's
decades-old civil war against the FARC not because FARC has anything
to do with communism or drug running, but because FARC operatives
disrupt the flow of oil through Occidental's pipelines. And it's laughable
to listen to militant Republicans and Christians--and their Democrat
counterparts--moan on and on about China-as-threat, China-as-human-rights
abuser when, in fact, every red-blooded American oilman and woman
wants a piece of China's energy market, particularly if they can get
upstream equity in their projects. The US Energy Division of the
International Trade Mission announced recently that in October 2003,
it's running a trade show over in Kazakhstan, one of America's newest
and most trusted allies in the US War Machine. "Kazakhstan's
booming oil and gas sector presents numerous opportunities for U.S.
companies that provide oil and gas equipment and services. International
consortia operating major projects such as Tengiz, Karachaganak, and
Kashagan expect to invest billions of dollars over the next few years.
There are opportunities for U.S. companies in virtually every subsector
associated with oil extraction, processing, and transportation."
Never mind the fact that Kazakhstan
has a brutal post-Soviet Union human rights record. Human Rights Watch
reported on an incident typical in that country under President Nursultan
Nazarbaev. " In 2002, Kazakh government repression of independent
media reached crisis proportions, as journalists were attacked and
beaten, threatened with death, and jailed. Media outlets connected
to [the President's] political rivals, and journalists who attempted
to expose official corruption, were particular targets of the crackdown.
In May, the twenty-five-year-old daughter of independent journalist
Lira Baiseitova disappeared the day after the journalist published
a controversial piece in the newspaper SolDat (Let Me Speak) regarding
personal Swiss bank accounts allegedly held by the Nazarbaev family.
In June, police informed Baiseitova that her daughter, Leila, had
been arrested for heroin possession, but did not grant the two a visit.
Days later, Leila Baiseitova died in police custody; Lira Baiseitova
received conflicting reports about the cause of death, including a
police claim that her daughter had hanged herself in her cell. Lira
Baiseitova had herself been the victim of physical attacks in 2000
and 2001." Not to be outdone by a puny government
like Kazakhstan, ExxonMobil employs close to 5,500 Indonesian security
and paramilitary forces to protect its gas field in Aceh. Each is
paid $294 per month for protecting ExxonMobil's operations there.
In 2002, 2,700 people reportedly lost their lives at the hands of
ExxonMobil's security employees. It is accused of complicity in the
murder and sexual molestation of locals by its paid security forces,
along with the unjust imprisonment of Acehnese Democratic Resistance
Front leader Kautsar who was released from prison late in 2002. Shell Oil has played that game
too. It was accused of fomenting a killing spree in the early 1990's
in Ogoni, Nigeria according to Human Rights Watch. The Movement for
the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), led by Ken Saro-Wiwa, mobilized
thousands of Ogonis, an ethnic group of 500,000 people occupying a
portion of the oil producing region, to protest the policies of the
federal government in relation to the oil wealth, and at the human
rights violations of Shell Oil--to include importing weapons for its
paid security forces. In 1993, Shell was forced to close its production
in Ogoni following mass protests though active pipelines still cross
the region. MOSOP's protests provoked a violent and repressive response
from the federal government, for which any threat to oil production
is a threat to the entire existing political system. Many Ogonis were detained or beaten
by the Rivers State Internal Security Task Force, a military body
specifically created to suppress the protests organized by MOSOP,
and hundreds were summarily executed over a period of several years.
In 1994, Ken Saro-Wiwa and several others were arrested in connection
with the murder of four traditional leaders in Ogoni. On November
10, 1995, Saro-Wiwa and eight other MOSOP activists were hanged by
the military government for those murders, after a trial before a
tribunal which blatantly violated international standards of due process
and produced no credible evidence that he or the others were involved
in the killings for which they were convicted. The Interstate Oil and Gas Transport
to Europe (INOGATE) provides an illuminating Perspectives Map (http://www.inogate.org/html/maps/maps2b.htm).
The Perspectives Map matched with current and projected US and European
military movements puts an interesting light on the destruction of
the former Yugoslavia, the entry into NATO of some unlikely members,
the pounding of oil drums from Bush and Blair, and the change in the
Pentagon's view of peacekeeping. Like varicose veins that mar the
skin, bright red and dark green lines indicating pipelines and energy
flows are drawn over the whole of Europe, Scandinavia, Central Asia,
Northern Africa, the Middle East and Persian Gulf--including Israel
and Cyprus. New NATO entrants Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland
have key ports for shipping energy products. The Constanza-Omisalj
oil pipeline project involving Romania, Yugoslavia and Croatia seems
a nice, if coincidental, benefit of US and NATO action back under
the Clinton Administration. Twenty-one countries have signed
the INOGATE Umbrella Agreement which simply means that they will do
whatever it takes to minimize risk to investors. What better way to
do that than have the US or NATO forces in-country (and buy their
weapons and products), or have a regime that brutally suppresses dissent
and ensures that the investor's risk is minimal. And after a look
at the Perspectives Map, it's clear why Bush appointees in the Pentagon
wiped-out the term "Peacekeeping Operations" and opted for
"Stability Operations". A nice tip-of-the-hat to the oil,
natural gas and banking and investment communities. Now, API members no longer need
to hire host nation security forces because they now have in their
employ the US Armed Services to handle pesky locals who complain about
low wages, poor living conditions, hunger, destruction of their environment,
and their own governments who--bought by the US and Europeans-- sell
off the wealth of their nations at ridiculously low prices. Does that
really make America stronger? Oh, well, no matter. Just get
your copy of Billy B's Energy and Me from your child, stick it in
your vehicle's CD player, and merrily sing-along as you make your
way alone to and from work. And remember, there's lots of life and
a lot of fun in a barrel of oil. |
Movimiento Mundial por los Bosques Tropicales
Maldonado 1858
11200 Montevideo - Uruguay
tel: 598 2 413 2989 / fax: 598 2 410 0985
wrm@wrm.org.uy